"War of position"
The dominant idea of Jacek Ku- a movement, multifarious and indefined, ron's article is, in my opinion, contained in the affirmation If you do not want war, prepare yourself for war!' This text is an important element of the discussion on a programme of action. Jacek Kuron, eminent pedagogue, specialist in social problems, is endowed with a rare faculty for foreseeing the effects of events which he analyses. However, I do not myself subscribe either to the theses contained in his article, nor to the conclusions he
All the reasoning of Jacek Kuron is founded on his conviction that a social explosion is inevitable, given the extreme poverty, the violence, and the absence of other forms of effective action for the struggle. In my opinion, society in its enis convinced that an explosion could not resolve the problems with which it is faced, but on the contrary, increases the risk of brutal utilisation of the internal forces, and even of an external
The clarity, the discipline, and the organisation of society are the only way to avoid an explosion.
The population is responding to the terror of the regime by elaborating other forms of action than those based on violence. This is the direction in which they must orient their efforts in elaborating a programme of action. We must try all methods of action before employing the ultimate weapon.
This is why I consider that the creation of a resistance 'prepared to liquidate the occupation by an organised mass uprising' is inappropriate. I estimate that, in addition, such an undertaking is impossible, above all because of the militarypolice structure of the state, perfectly adapted to the dismantling and liquidation of organisations of this type. fact that the occupier talks the same language, acts on known terrain, can only facilitate infiltration. What is more, we surrounded by states based on the
I would equally like to cast doubt on the statement that only an organised resistance movement could stop the wave of terrorism. In my opinion this schema is upside down: a centralised movement must receive and carry out directives; if these are lacking, or appear inadequate, it can happen that the organisation takes the road of terrorism. Such a structure can only follow the spiral of terrorism, if that happens.
am a supporter of a strongly de entralised movement, which will use th most diverse forms of action. Only such will be unassailable and difficult to combat. Its unity will be guaranteed by the common agreement on aims: abolition of the state of war, release of the internees and prisoners, and restoration of trade union rights and rights of association.
Furthermore, I do not agree with the statement that a centralised clandestine movement could, by the threat of a general strike, exert strong enough pressure on the supporters of compromise in the government's camp to force them to argue for an understanding. I think that such a threat would, on the contrary, lead to the unity of the governmental camp around the project of destroying our movement. Only the faction of the apparatus which wants an external intervention would emerge stronger. And Moscow could be interested in such an intervention, if it would allow it to hope for a definitive elimination of 'troublemakers' and anti-socialist ele-
The existence of an organised, centralised, active, resistance movement an elimination more One last argument against the centralist conception of resistance: vision of this organisation-and it seems very difficult to avoid it-would be a new blow against Solidarnose and the hopes of
We cannot pay such a price. To sum up: the creation of a Solidarnose movement in the form of a monolithic movement, which is prepared for a decisive struggle, carries the danger of provoking a new people by the internal security forces. Even if we are able to defend ourselves, we could be faced with an external inter-
I consider therefore that we must start from the position of avoiding an overall confrontation with the regime, because that would expose the country to too great a danger and our chances of success-as I have tried to show-are slight.
I am a supporter of a war of position-allow me to use this military expression-which, in my opinion, has the advantage of at the same time being effective and secure. This is the type of resistance that I would like to propose. The different social groups and milieus must construct a mechanism of resistance against the monopolist actions of the authorities in all areas of social life. In basing itself on the existence of an organisation as massive as Solidarnose, of the independent unions of the peasants, artisans, and students, this resistance could be massive enough to allow the creation of a social structure independent of the
Within the workplaces, the primary form for this will be the struggle to seize the right to carry out trade union activi-
Thus, it will be necessary to carry through these activities, that is to say to defend the rights of the workers, by all including strikes, leaders). One of the essential tasks must be, particularly, in the present economic situation, the struggle for raising wages, and tamily benefits, given the rise in the cost of living. That will only be possible if the workers defend active militants in different ways.
Other important elements in the creation of an independent social structhe creation, in liaison with the parishes, of committees for social welfare to help those who need it most and ensure means of subsistence to the unemployed (that will limit the impact of the economic blackmail exercised by the regime; the development of an independent press and publishing system (each important enterprise should have its own journal, in each town there should be an independent publishing house); the creation of councils of national education, culture, and sciences in the intellecartists, teachers, intelligentsia) which would allow the free acquisition of knowledge and experience; the establishment of a network of workers universities, with a view to forming cadres of the trade unions, the movement of territorial councils and of workers. It is evident that this list will lengthen as we go forward in our activity.
It is certainly not a quick or easy route to success, because it demands long and patient work, and mobilisation sup ported by a large part of society. But Solidarnosc, a trade union with several million members, with almost a million cadres, lives and acts despite the state of war Solidarnose therefore which allow us to think that the way forward proposed is realistic. As for the insurrection, if it turns out to be necessary it will be the final phase of the struggle for the realisation of a national programme for reconstruction of the economy, science, education and indepen-
Tygodnik Mazowsze No. 8 Warsaw, 31 March 1982