The Women's Movement
Under Mitterrand
A number of factors interacted to
This article was written by the gence of the deepest feminist radicalisa-
Women's Secretariat of the Ligue Com- tion France had known.
munist Revolutionnaire, French section of the Fourth International. It was first published in the LCR's monthly review, tion, a delayed result of May '68, pene trated in different ways through all sectors of society. It forced the bourgeoisie slow down the progress of this first wave of feminism.
The economic crisis demonstrated that in any period of fundamental restructuring of capitalism the bosses will try to take advantage of the
Communiste.
The translation reaucrats to pose as defenders of wom- forms, turned back to traditional atti-
The victory of the Socialist Party in
France on May 10, 1981, came at a time when a number of questions were posed for organised women's would be their future, their forms of activity, their structure?
The term of the outgoing president,
Giscard, who represented the bourgeois parties, had corresponded with the emerto concede some progressive measures on divorce, abortion, equality legislation. In addition, it compelled the reformist bu-
Women's organisations developed in the shape of women's groups, women's trade union committees, feminist magazines. Although not mass organisations, they represented a real political force. Within this movement, bourgeois feminism had no significant expression.
vulnerability of the female workforce. The bourgeoisie, running short of retudes.
The divisive infighting from 1978 to 1981 between the traditional workers parties and the trade-union leaderships associated with them, as well as the waitand-see attitude among the rank-and-file workers all contributed to reducing the number of organised women and the poli-
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MEN FEMTIES
services, are being extended. The govern- for example in the commercial sector ment obviously could not afford to dis- where three-quarters of the employees are illusion outright the fringe of the elector- part-time. It has also been linked to a rise ate, like some SP and CP members, who in productivity.
tical space for feminist groups which, moreover, were very divided among themselves.
However there was neither a step backwards in feminist consciousness nor in the ability to mobilise. On the contrary, the two demonstrations that highlighted the abortion campaign, October 6 and November 24, 1979, showed it was possible to have massive demonstrations.
On the other hand attempts to structure an ongoing movement, that could bring together the various elements of the radicalisation and focus the collective strength of women in the political arena, seemed to have reached an im-
There was, however, one point of the feminist groups--the need to kick out Giscard. The Psychoanalyse et Politique group copyrighted the name 'Women's Liberation Movement) called for a 'useful' vote for the Socialist Party, despite the Social Democrats vague electoral promises on women's issues. The currents that abstained in the election-arguing that 'women don't have any interest in men's political fights'--were very
This constituted a proof of the depth of class polarisation in France and that feminists, albeit in a confused way, consider themselves as part of the work-
THE 'NEW COURSE In the weeks following the May 10 victory of the Socialist Party, it was difficult to know exactly what were its policies for women. number of promises at the Forum organised by the Choisie group (a socialist-led pro-choice group). These were: to limit the extension of part-time work, to repay the cost of abortions by social security, to build 300,000 daycare and preschool places for children over two years old, to make men and women absolutely equal before the law....
militants who did not have any idea about what to do. On the other hand, there were feminists in the Socialist Party who were certain that big changes were about to take place.
Nine months later the SP and the government still do not have any overall political project for women, let alone any theory. Mitterrand himself stated at a recent press conference that he was above all a 'pro-natalist, that is in favour of an increasing birth rate. And this was right in the middle of a big publicity campaign on contraception!
The government is pursuing a two-faced strategy. The Minister for Women's Rights can take action on judicial reforms, contraception, and symbolic mea-
But austerity policies, for which women bear the cost in jobs and social expected big changes.
The Minister for Women's Rights has put into motion judicial reforms that will become law during the 1982 parlialaw, in terms of potential activity, seems to be the possibility for feminist groups to take up civil cases on sex discrimination. The current publicity campaign on contraception is also positive although it would be reasonable to expect that there would be a wider distribution of information in all public places.
But the big changes that were expected have not happened. In fact, there is simply a continuation of the policies that the right-wing bourgeois governments have pursued for the last 23 years. Reimbursement for the cost of abortions announced in March. Ho wever, minors will still need parental permission, and women who have passed the legal limit will only have the 'right to choose' continuing their pregnancy, going to England, or having an illegal
Getting rid of the Veil-Pelletier law, which very strictly limits abortions after the twelfth week of pregnancy, is so far down the list of priorities that the Family Planning association recently felt forced to point out that they did not want to have to continue clandestine activities under a left government!
The promise of 300,000 statefinanced daycare places has been duced to 10,000 places for which the parents will have to pay more for a lower standard of care.
On the jobs question, the situation is even clearer. In September 1981, the Prime Minister, Mauroy, announced policies encouraging part-time work in both the private and public sectors. on part-time work passed under Giscard are far from being repealed.
Indeed, the decrees of March 1982, further enshrined the existence of part-time work in the laws relating to employ-
The government's self-justification for this move is remarkable for its hypo-
They argue that part-time work also effects men. This is true in theory but not in practice. It is women who take care of the children and therefore are more likely to take up part-time work and accept low wages as a supplementary income for the family.
The government also argues that is is better to have none at all and that these measures are in fact designed to benefit the unemployed.
When one looks at some of the features of part-time work the necessity of opposition to it is obvious. It can mean anything from working a few hours a week, to having Wednesdays off (when the schools are shut-to look after the children), to working 38 hours a week. In the private sector, at least, it has been used to reduce the number of employees,
The government decrees on work hours contain other scandalous provisions. Lifting the legal limit on work hours--presently 40 hours per week and 8 hours per day-and on weekend work, affects primarily sectors where the female workforce is concentrated. In these sectors--the garment trade, commerce, etc.,the bosses need a lot of flexibility in how they use their employees, given the cyclical fluctuation of trade.
The measure which has caused the most debate is undoubtedly repeal of the prohibition on women doing nightwork. Krasucki, leader of the CGT, voiced his confederation's disapproval of wiping out this gain for women, just after the July agreement with the bosses on work hours. The CFDT approved the measure, basing their attitude on rejection of sexist discrimination. So is it a step backward of
It is a step backward insofar as it is part of a series of concessions to the bosses on the question of the workweek. It is also a step backward because nightwork will be imposed on women. against nightwork for men as well as for women, when it is not justified by social needs, as in health or transport, or for technical reasons, machinery that cannot be stopped, etc. government's criteria. They advocate nightwork for women for the sake of the bosses' profits, as in those sectors faced strong international competition. Thus, overall, the balance sheet is a negative one. It could not really have been otherwise, despite the good intentions of Socialist Party members who have been catapulted into government.
The economic crisis does not leave any room for manoeuvre in this area once one has undertaken to manage the econony without attacking the bosses profits.
When white-collar workers or peasants begin to act, the government can always scrape the bottom of the barrel and distribute some crumbs. But there aren't any crumbs for women because their superexploitation is integral to the functioning of capitalism. This is even more true in a time of crisis than expansion.
There are already two million unand forecasts by the employers predict massive redundancies, especially in the service sector. sources estimate that in this sector redundancies could reach 40 percent. situation talk about equality only serves to hide the fact that women are used, as they have been traditionally, as a reserve pool of labour.
A government that states it will stake its credibility on the jobs issue, and that it will respect the laws of profit, has put itself into the framework of reconstructing capitalism. One of the chief props of capitalism is, of course, the structural divisions in the working class.
The current situation is a remarkable illustration of the pivotal role played by women's labour. This cannot just be reduced to a policy of returning women to the home, although this is an impor-
The bosses test new forms of
easily as long as it was not inside the be met. Very little has changed as far as work on women, with the deskilling process that goes with it. tracting, temporary work, part-time work to increase productivity, revival of homeworking using computers....And they are waiting to extend these 'modernisations' to men, who have always been convinced that they would only apply to 'the girls'.
Thus, the fight for women's right to work is not a secondary or sectoral demand. In the current political situation, it is a key element in the defence of workers interests, in opposition to redundancy and part-time work, hour workweek, and for the extension of social services.
This demonstrates the importance of fighting for women as an oppressed group and the absurdity of the argument that a campaign for women's right to work would be economistic, that it would prioritise the struggle against the exploitation of women as workers over the struggle against their oppression as women. One cannot fight one without fighting against the other.
Opposition to part-time work is a arguments for it; the kids, work, the idea that women provide only a supplementary income for the family. In political, or even symbolic independence for women without material indepen-
Without a job--or worse with the increasing attack on even the right to work--the material basis of women's radicalisation is being brought into ques-
The roots of the rise of feminism in the 1970s were in a generation of women that drew its strength from being women in higher education in the late '60s and having access to relatively highly-skilled
Lastly, we recognise the importance of the demand for the right to work because it throws into sharp relief all the other questions, such as the social services, the question of housework, discrimination in job training, and the traditional image of women.
THE CRISIS OF THE WOMEN'S SECTOR' Although the Communist Party, the Socialist Party majority, and the government have policies very similar to those the bosses would like, that does not imply that all communist and socialist militants agree with them. This presents a big contradiction for parties and trade unions who have won over a layer of radicalised feminists. They cannot turn back to the traditional excuses. But they still have to manage the capitalist crisis.
The political parties seem to have little imagination on women's issues. The Socialist Party is particularly badly placed to distinguish itself from the government's policies. The feminists in the SP did not produce anything of significance for the most recent national conference and many of them are waiting for an upturn in activity....from outside the party.
Although it describes itself as the 'party of women's liberation' the Communist Party has little presence in the women's movement and instead promotes the Union of French Women (UFF) as a cover, as it did for the March 8 demonstration. Some dissidents within it have adopted radical feminist positions, like They See Red (Elles Voient Rouge).
are organising with the CGT women's section. The women in Weekly
(Rencontres communiste Hebdo) have real feminist concerns and sent greetings to the national meeting on women and work in Novenber 1981.
The most refined reformist strategy for dealing with the demands of women seems to have been elaborated under the leadership of Edmind Maire, head of the
The aim is threefold; to gain acceptance for the current policies, not to lose the feminist militants, and to build the CFDT at the expense of the CGT. This is put in the framework of the so-called policy of "new priorities" (recent-
Discussion on the virtues of women at home has been replaced by discussing the advantages of increased leisure time, which is more important than money for And who is better placed than women,
Femmes with their 'pin-money' incomes to accept the decrease in purchasing power which, according to Maire, is a necessary corollary of the reduction in working hours?
So, the CFDT leadership has accepted the principle of part-time work over conditions-for the same full- and for part-time workers.
Thus, demanding the repeal of the governmental decrees on part-time work inside the CFDT runs into conflict with one of the main points of the policy of 'new priorities'.
Women's work is a testing ground for the reformist trade union leaders as well as the bosses. If part-time work for women is generalised there would be a lot of pressure to reduce wages for the whole working class. Furthermore, given the sectarianism of the CGT, the leadership of the CFDT is opening up to feminism. For example, there is ongoing work with the Family Planning association, and the Paris region CFDT is participating in the planning meeting for the Conference on Women and Employment scheduled for April 24/25.
The leadership of the CFDT could accept women's self-organisation quite trade union and that such groups did not have a set of demands. This policy is not without difficulties. Some branch federations-in the garment, leather and textile industries, the Post Office, banks-have already registered their opposition to part-time work. Feminists in the rank and file are not really convinced by the arguments of the Maire leadership
Within the CGT the crisis is much sharper, and the women's section has recently been pulled back into line in the most traditional of ways, with tions, reorganisations, and reassertion of control over the union's women's magazine, Antoinette. This crisis reflects the inability of the federation leadership to resolve the contradictions, which are different from those inside the CFDT but pose difficult problems. The leadership has always tried to the developing consciousness through a certain verbal radicalism, and sectarian self-intoxication. radicalism has been muted since May 10 and the installation of Communist ministers in the government. CGT leader Krasucki, while criticizing nightwork, has become silent on the question of redundancies and part-time work.
As for the sectarian policy, the nature of 'women's work' makes it more difficult to carry this out than in other
It is difficult to make people believe that the CGT is the feminist union par excellence. lain that the struggle is weakened bs joint activity with the CGI and women's
So, as the women's sector had become one of the sectors where opposition to the federation leadership existed, it had to be reshaped. Exit C. Gilles, whom the bureaucracy had booed during the Study Day on women and labour. Enter J. Leonard to join the editorial board of Antoinette. And for March 8 a big sectarian initiative to restore the feminist image that had become rather tar-
The problem for the leadership is that a lot of women, although they agree with the leadership on many questions, have been educated in the necessity of specific work on women's questions, and the need to fight on all aspects of women's oppression as Antoinette used to do. A narrowly economic orientation, that refuses to have discussion, goes against the feminist convictions of women members, and forces women who feel let-down by the CGT's attitudes into independent activity.
So, for example, Le Manifeste has now been set up. It was initiated by the editors of Antoinette, and women historians and journalists in the CP, among
It presents demands very similar to those which came out of the November conference
It is almost trite to say that May 10 opened up a new political situation for women in France. The new situation is not, as we have seen, that demands will
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the demands that have to be raised. But the conditions for action have changed.
FEMINISTS AT A CROSSROADS It is a new situation to have politiparties in power that have shaken up by the feminist radicalisation, which have made definite promises but no intention of keeping them. On the one hand this makes the call for an independent women's movement much more credible. On the other hand it makes the approaches of the existing women's groups towards women in political parties and trade unions much more
This is the aim of the Conference
Employment and Women scheduled for Paris on April 24/25. women from different experiences to discuss demands and proposals
There is also a new situation as regards possibilities for action. rights in the factories and the anti-sexist laws, allow feminist groups to go beyond simple propaganda. tutionalisation' of the movement does not mean surrendering principles to the state but rather lays the basis for acaimed at the masses of women. Why don't the factory women's groups have bulletin boards, a meeting place on the premises, and the right to a person from the Family Planning service available during working hours in the factories.
But with such possibilities opening up women's groups in France have rarely been so divided as they are now. Psychoanalyse et Politique has the virtue of having understood what is at stake, and realising how to occupy this political space created by the continuing radicalisation
These women also have the advantage of a certain ideological coherence. Since they say 'we are a people' the struggle is conceived as a national libcal independence from force, cross-class unity of the people' against anti-women attitudes, and reassertion of oppressed culture smothered by imperialist models.
In this perspective the call for a women's strike 'independent of political parties, independent of trade unions' for March 8 this year was logical.
It was impossible to be involved in initiatives which are always presented by Psychoanalyse et Politique in a 'take it or leave it' fashion. The demand for March 8 to be a paid holiday is not so silly. In today's situation it could be seen as a recognition of women's struggles. That is, it could if their conditions were modified a little. Limiting this right to women is questionable, if only from their own standpoint. Who would look after the children during the day? merable male childminders and teachers?
Over and above that point, the call for a women-only strike directly weakens the relationship of forces between the workers and the bosses, and undermines the meaning of a strike. nised confrontation of the workers with the state or the employers.
A more serious problem existed in the platform of demands belatedly produced by Psychoanalyse et Politique. Alongside correct demands on abortion and childcare, there was the demand for 'priority for women for jobs call for shortening the workweek or fighting redundancies. comes down to accepting the framework of managing austerity policies but simply reversing the bosses priorities.
Worse still, because this simply continues women's oppression, they demand 'the creation of payment for domestic work, registered on payslips'. This new version of wages for housework would apply to all women, even if they worked outside the home. This is the point of difference with the rightist politician Debre, who wanted to limit such family allowances to 'mothers in the home'. So, having got the money, the idea is, we could demand the division of household tasks, the provision of social services, and struggle against the housewife image...! This is where verbal radicalism covers up the most blatant opportunism.
Besides the group Psychoanalyse et Politique, the most active women's group in France is the one which organized the 14-15 November 1981 Conference on Women and Employment.
This conference was called by the Coordination of Local and Factory Women's groups and attracted women from many different trade unions, from feminist magazines, from the Family Planning association, many nonunionized women and women from the group Choisir and women from the General Confederation of Families as well as international representatives. Some 54 percent of the women present were in trade unions.
There was general agreement on the demands for jobs, training courses, social services and the right to abortion. There was also an awareness of the need for feminists to be seen as a political force, and a recognition that there are struggles to be carried out that only women can
At the November conference a decision was taken to have a follow-up
April on employment, which would be open to all, trade union and political party representatives in-
The list of conference participants includes: four regional bodies of the CFDT, including the Paris regional union; the CGT; Emancipated teachers union, the FEN) ; the FEN; the PSU (United Socialist Party); the LCR (French section of the Fourth International); the JCR (the youth organisation
LCR); the CCA (Communist Committee for Self-Management); etc.
Since November, objections to the for a mixed conference have been raised. Some women have suggested that it would be too soon to have men at a conference on women and employment. They argue that we have not worked out our positions yet, that we see men often enough, especially men in political parties and trade unions, who betray women's demands, etc.
The exasperation of trade-union women who have to put up with daily harrassment is totally valid. But this is not the problem. In the current political situation, we cannot just talk shop among ourselves. Feminists must show they can carry out a campaign, convince other women to join in, and build a collective political force.
The conference is not a forum for 'seeing men', but rather a chance to see and meet with other women, who came because a broad spectrum of organisations support the conference. The Novvember conference showed to everyone, political and trade-union leaders, men and women, that organised feminism is a real-
France and it posed questions about the politics of these same leaders.
There is nothing contradictory bethis initiative and the desire to an independent women's moveThe question of women-only events is tactical. Women, as an oppressed group, need an organisation in which they are the leaders and one which fights against their specific oppression. But it is an organisation that women need, not an empty formation.
Building this kind of movement today implies confronting the main problem of women: employment. We cannot construct such a movement by trying to go round the trade unions. In many cases these struggles will take place in the factories and involve the mobilisation of women who are part of the workers movement. The women involved will need the support of an independent women's movement to make gains inside the trade unions.
It is true that for a campaign to succeed, it is not enough to set up a permanent organisational structure. But regrouping women around the initiative of a general conference and beyond that around the struggle to win the main demand for jobs is a first step.
Another step forward would be to try to get beyond the current divisions among the feminist groups which is an obvious cause of weakness and lack of credibility. Undoubtedly it is difficult to find common ground with Psychoanalyse et Politique or with some other radical feminist currents. But the political situation creates a reasonable possibility for a process of political recomposition among other forces that have had different experiences in the past. The November conference proved that.
It is an urgent necessity for the women's movement to discuss the fundamental questions: capitalism and patriarchy; the functioning of the movement and the question of internal democracy; the tactics for moving forward women's demands.