Mass response to new racist Constitution
The new constitution adopted by parliament in September was put to the vote in a referendum of white voters, the only South Africans with the right to vote
Some 2.7 million are registered to vote in a total white population of more than 4 Botha succeeded in gaining some of the votes of the traditional supporters of the Progressive Federal Party
The proposed new constitution, destined to replace (PFP) a formation that represents the sections of that of 1909 inherited from British colonial rule, pro- employers regarded as liberal', mostly English-speakjects a presidential system, and the partial and separate ing, the best known of whom, magnate Harry Oppeninvolvement of representatives of the 'Indian' popula- heimer, called for a 'no' vote for the governmental tion of one million, and the 'Coloured' population of proposals.
three million state institutions, through separate parlia- The fundamental ambiguity in these results is in the ments in a three-chamber political structure domin- exact significance for the white community of the vote ated by whites, while continuing the total exclusion of for the new constitution.
acceptance, by a part of the liberal electorate, of a first
This new constitution aims to break up the forma- breach in the fortress of apartheid? Or more simply a tion of a common front for mobilising non-whites. reaffirmation of the determination to exclude some 25 attacks nothing in the racist conceptions that form the million 'Africans' from all political rights while giving
The proposed new Koornhof limited rights to 3 million 'Coloureds' and 1 million
SOUTH AFRICA in this racist republic.
million.
the 25 million 'Africans'. (1)
very basis of apartheid.
Should this be seen as the laws concerning the residence conditions for blacks
Indians'? Or is it a combination of the two?
in 'white zones' testify to the maintaining in essence
There is a symmetrical ambiguity about the mean of the policy of segregation, although the racist govern- ing of the 'no' vote.
ment would like to stabilise a layer of black workers white electors opposed to the reforms as too many or in the white zone to satisfy capitalist industry's need too few? Or is this again a combination of these two for a workforce. (See box)
The November 2 referendum approved the constitu-
These results allow Botha to present himself in the tional proposals of the ruling National Party (in power eyes of the white community as the only solution be since 1948) by a majority of 65.96 per cent. However, cause there is no other credible alternative to ensure this figure is not without ambiguitites. In the general their continuing interests, and to promote his policies election of April 1981 the National Party received 57 as the only ones that can prevent unity among the per cent of the votes and an overwhelming majority of blacks of Southern Africa as a whole and an uprising parliamentary seats, 131 of 165. The split of the most that would destroy the racist regime.
conservative wing in March 1982 took 17 parliamen-
This meets the needs of those imperialists who were
This new current, as the Conservative pressuring him to adapt the apartheid system to tary members.
Party, called for rejection of the government's procurrent economic reality and to their interests.
satisfaction of the White House at the results bears witposals. (2)
During the referendum the prime minister Pieter ness to this.
The November 2 constitutional referendum took place in an economic climate rendered gloomy by the repercussions of the international recession.
reasons, this has come late to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) by comparison with the rest of the industrialised capitalist world. This gap comes from the role of gold, of which the RSA is the primary producer in the capitalist world, with 75 per cent of its production. As the tried and tested commodity for speculators - particularly since the break-up of the international monetary system established at Bretton Woods — gold for a time protected the South African economy from the crisis.
The maintenance, at least partially, of imperialist investments on the one hand, which rose in 1981 to more than 30 thousand million rand - practically half of their total in Black Africa (3) - and the
18 role of the armament sector on the other, have also delayed the onset of the crisis. (4) These specific elements could also lead to an earlier economic upturn. In fact, there is no exact synchronisation between the economic evolution of the RSA and the imperialist countries on which it depends.
Inflation has dropped slightly, but in June it still reached 12.4 per cent. The South African Reserve Bank glimpses signs of a recovery, linked to the beginning of the upturn in the United States. The balance of payments was in deficit by 7,100 million rand, equivalent to 9 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product, in the first quarter of 1982. By the last quarter of the year it had achieved a surplus of 1,100 million. But the rate of utilisation of productive capacity remained unchanged. The employers organisation for the metal industry (SEIFSA) stated that there was 'no manufacturing recovery yet. Capacity levels remain at some 30 per cent below normal produc-
Are these 33.3 percent of the tion levels with no turnaround seen until the first quarter of 1984' (5)
Perhaps this is what made the financial supplement of the Cape Sunday Times splash the headline For the average South African the worst is yet to come' on August 21, 1983. newspaper, the financial situation of the
At birth every individual is classified according to the official racial categories, white, Indian, Coloured or African. The term black' used by the opponents of apartheid, groups all three of the latter categories and thus has a
The right parties, the Herts tige Nasionale Party (HNP) and the Conservative Party on the one side, and the Progressive Federal Party and the other liberal organisations on the other, each represent about 20 per cent of the electorate. 3. Survey of Race Relations in South Africa, 1981. 1 US dollar equals 1.2 rand. 4. Defence spending in the 1982-83 budget totalled 2.668 billion rand representing 24.33 per cent of the budget, and 3.36 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product. Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1982.
Rand Daily Mail, Johannesburg, September 5, 1983.
International Viewpoint 13 February 1984
ordinary person, which already worsened by 50 percent in 1982, is going to get worse because of governmental policy that has allowed 'consumers to believe that economic conditions have really
In this economic context there has been a significant growth in unemploy-
Official statistics give the grossly falsified figure of 469,000 unemployed among the black population, and a more
These figures illustrate flagrant inequality because they represent 9 per population, and 0.3 percent for whites, that is thirty times less, while the white working population is only 3.5 times
Some 7 million blacks live and work in mining or urban zones among which are included the townships such as Soweto, which has more than one million inhab-
These employment statistics are thus deliberate and gross falsifications because they exclude all the black South Africans arbitrarily attached to the bantuthe pseudo-independent states — Transkei, Venda Bopuhutatswana, Ciskei - in which the rate of unemployment is much higher.
These official statistics serious that many specialists in their own estimates use a margin of between 1.5 and 3 million unemployed, that is 13 to 27 per cent of the active population. The most worrying statistic is that given by the director of the economic research office at Steelentbosh University, Attie de Vries, who states that grew by 66 per cent between 1981 and
Thus, there is nothing at all surprising in the fact that job loss has been at the root of many disputes in the sectors most unemployment (metalworkers, textiles, cars, etc.) which are also the sectors in which the independent trade-union movement has grown most over the last few years. (6) test of strength between the independent
NON - WHITES ONLY
NET NIE - BLANKES International Viewpoint 13 February 1984 unions and the employers. employers want to adapt their production equipment to the needs of the economic crisis, the union movement is confronted with a real test after several years of uninterrupted growth and development. This context of social confrontation is moreover one of the objective pushing the independent unions along the road to united action and the formation of a single workers confederation. Howmean that the present differences on the type of federation and its method of functioning would have to be overcome. proposals on a new constitution, the independent unions showed determined
It was not possible to create unanimity amongst the white electorate on the proposal to create a President's Council (PC - see box). Imitating the type of publicity campaign that accompanied the victory of Margaret Thatcher in Britain, the National Party used full-page advertisements in the press to call for a 'yes' vote in the referendum, with such ingenious slogans as South Africa against South Africa? November 2 is the most critical day in South African history' Moreover, this brought on accusations that the National Party was using public funds for a campaign whose estimated campaign rather repreIn the first The PFP which tented itself with proposal that it also limited by the parliamentary of the National
That means that tutional Pieter out debate.
In of the English-
Africa which
Tollels
Hon White Males
Mon White Femok
White Tolets Below The Financial Mail, the Sunday Times and Finance Week called for a vote for the "New Deal' proposals of Pieter Botha. Even within the PFP electorate a majority said in July that they intended to vote 'yes', and the referendum results clearly demonstrated this shift in voting patterns.
However, the PFP could not give up its opposition to the proposals without risking complete capitulation to the National Party.
As for the extreme-right formations, Jaap Marais' Herstigte National Party (HNP) considered the proposed constitution as the 'starting point' for a black government, Treurnicht, the former National Party MP, suspended in March 1982, and now leader of the Conservative Party, accused the National Party of wanting to deny the right to self-determination of the
The prime minister's attempt to woo sections of the Coloured and Indian populations to associate themselves with his projects achieved only a limited success. In fact, it provoked active opposition on unprecedented since the 1950s Only the Reverend Alan Hendrickse's 'Coloured' Labour Party decided at its January 4, 1983, conference to accept the government's proposals. firmed its definitive break with the rest of the oppressed masses who were then left in no doubt as to its collaborationist
This could only stimulate mobilisation, particularly in the local and resi6. Cf International Viewpoint, No 8, June 7, 1982. 7. Cf International Viewpoint, No 31, May 30, 1983.
Robin McGregor's study Who Owns Whom? reveals that seven companies control 80 percent of the stock quoted on the Johannesburg stock exchange: Anglo-American, Sanlam, Barlow Rand, Anglo-Vaal, Rembrand, Liberty and Old Mutual. 9. According to the poll carried out for the Afrikaans journal Rapport, and cited in the Rand Daily Mail, Johannesburg, September 2, 1983, 46.2 per cent 'yes' against 43.8 per cent 'no'.
19
The Koornhof proposals on right of residence for blacks in 'white' zones
Officially called the 'Orderly Movement and Settlement of tionality) and finally, persons born in towns whose parents are
Black Persons Bill', the Koornhof proposals concern blacks'
Twenty-five per cent of For other blacks, the majority, it is illegal to be in town at blacks live in urban areas and between October night, even in a private dwelling, between 10 pm and 5 am with-
December 1981, 8 million of these lost South African national- out authorisation and without accomodation.
they can be in an urban area but not look for work governmental arrangements falsely presented as a loosening of they have to go to the employment office in the area in which segregationist legislation in the area of right of residence. This decreases the supply of jobs because the author-
Present legislation recognises the right of blacks to stay in ities want to encourage the employment of workers classified town without having to prove that they have accomodation. They can ask for a visitors permit for a period of
For this they have to have been born and lived all their lives in no longer than 14 days per year.
town, to have worked there for ten years or to have had a
The sanctions against those contravening the laws are:
The Koornhof proposals would replace these categories by for authorising a non-PUR to reside under one's roof a that of Permanent Urban Resident (PUR) which takes in all the 500 rand fine or 6 months in prison and 20 rand per day of conpeople who already have rights under the conditions outlined tinuing contravention;
above and those who have a 90-year lease in a township, if they identical sentences for those illegally in an urban zone are citizens of the RSA or an 'independent' bantustan, South between 10 pm and 5 am or looking for work there;
African citizens who have lived in town for 10 years (which giving work to a person in an irregular situation is punexcludes those who have been deprived of South African na- ishable by a 5,000 rand fine or 12 months in prison.
right of residence in urban zones. ity and were given that of a bantustan. residence permit for 15 years. dents associations, religious or student groups of the Cape region - a favoured residential zone for Coloureds - who came together around total rejection of Botha and the National Party's proposals.
This movement developed mainly the initiative of local associations such as the Federation of Civic Associations and the Cape Housing Action Committee (CAHAC). According to the FRA Civic News the Federation has organised several mass meetings to protest against the President's Council proposals: *Rejecting the proposals as racist because they functioned within the Group Areas Act and racial classification, and undemocratic because of the qualified franchise, it urged people to boycott any elections and referenda designed to implement the proposals. It put forward as a non-negotiable demand a full franchise for all South Africans and one undivided South Africa nation with no homelands.' (10)
CAHAC stated that it rejected the PC proposals on the grounds that they did not abolish the Group Areas Act, they excluded Africans, they advocated a qualified franchise and that the central government would be concentrated in the hands of a few people in the executive. It saw the PC proposals as a reaction by the government to the growing unity among Coloured, Indians and African people. It demanded a unitary system with one man-one vote.' (11) 'All rights here and now'
The 'Indian' community also rapidly demonstrated its opposition to the government's proposals. During the election for the South African Indian Council (SAIC) the rebuff was clear. This collaborationist structure created in 1964, was at the start composed only of members appointed by the racist regime. In 1974 its membership was increased to 30, half of whom were to be elected by local Indian authorities.
Thus, those who supported collaboration with the apartheid regime elected each other. Since 1978, the government has concocted a new reform intended to 20 classified as PUR.
NON WHITES
NIE BLANKES
SMIAN 1.A a semblance of credibility to this structure, in order to set up the future parliamentary chamber. person classified as "Indian' over 18 years old, and permanently resident in South legally obliged to register as an elector. Official sources estimate that 80 per cent had done so at the beginning of 1981.
In 1982, representatives elected for Natal (the main residence zone for "Indians'), Transvaal and the Cape. Opposition to this new masquerade brought about the formation of the Transvaal Anti-SAIC Committee (TASC)
volume Athlone, June-August 1982, quoted in Survey
An unpublished working paper by CAHA June 26, 1955, by the People's Congress, that is African Indian Congress, the Coloured People's Congress, the South African Congress of Trade
Congress of Democrats thus comprising the three organisations representing the non-white 'peoples', the trade union that is and an organisation of liberal The Charter constitutes a democratic platform around axes such as the abolition of restrictions on the ownership of land for racial reasons stating that all land should be redis tributed among those who around members of the former Transvaal Indian Congress — a member of the Congress Alliance and signatory of the Freedom Charter proposed by the African
A big electoral boycott campaign was launched which was very successful -average participation in the vote was less reach 40 per cent in one Natal constituency it fell to 1.75 per cent in the Fordsburg constituency in Transvaal, a member of SAIC since 1968. campaign also allowed supporters of the
Alliance to re-form the Transvaal Indian Congress (TIC).
Supporters of non-racialism often criticise the decision to continue using organisations defined according to the racial criteria established by the apartheid system. They refuse to divide the oppressed into "Coloured", 'Indian', or 'African' and favour bringing together the black masses, in the sense of the non-white masses. On the other hand, within the organisations based on the apartheid system's criteria petty-bourgeois layers have greater weight. Thus, behind this debate on the national is the debate on the class nature of these organisations that is well and truly taking shape.
The new launch of the TIC took place during the TASC congress in Johannesburg in January 1983. It was significant reaffirmation of the "Charterist' current defending the Freedom Charter (13). conceived as the basis for an inter-class alliance charged with carrying out the tasks of the democratic revolution, or rather a 'democratic evolution', without ever defining the methods to be used in achieving this aim. The traditional ideas of the Stalinist current incarnated the Communist Party of South Atrica (CPSA) which is dominant in the ANC, can be seen in this. •13. '(We] hereby declare for all South Af ricans and the world to know that the struggles of the past 25 years have convinced us that the only viable alternative to the present exploitative and repressive system is one based on the principles of the Freedom Charter.' From the final declaration of the TASC congress, quoted in Grassroots volume 4, number 1, February 1983, the Cape.
International Viewpoint 13 February 1984
Second, by the greater prominence of sections of the churches in general, and the Dutch Reformed Church for Coloured (NGS) in particular, who had until then kept aloof from organisations opposing
Finally, by the call for the formation of a United Democratic Front (UDF) against the government's constitutional proposals.
The structure of the Reformed Church remains faithful to the structures of Reformed Church, has branches (known as Daughter Churches until 1982) in the manner of the integrated trade unions. These were the NGS mission for the Reformed Church of and all the institutions organised according to its principles. Secondly, the desire of certain specific social sectors of the working class to have an effect on the broad movement that is developing, and not remain marginal to the development of political opposition.
The project TASC developed in January 1983 — to create an umbrella body of local organisations intervening in all sectors of the mass movement - was outlined in the following terms: To fight the PC proposals, our people must come together in a broad front. A front means the coming together of all organisations in our communities. To become part of do not constitute the active wing of the UDF the presence of these forces has a weight of the Churches, their presence gives the UDF a hybrid social nature.
The big coverage given to the creation of the UDF by the liberal English-speaking press has relegated the initiative of the National Forum Committee held in May at Hammanskraal near Johannesburg to second place. This assembly was initiated by the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) (18) and personalities such as Bishop Desmond Tutu and Neville
The NFC, whose manifesto is substantially more radical than that this front, organisations must believe in of the UDF, is to hold its next conven-
Africa (RCA) for the 'Indians', and the
(NGKA) for the 'Africans'.
The new constitutional proposals
One of the main figures of the NGS and, as will be seen, of the UDF, is
Allan Boesak, director of the Bellville
The constitutional arrangements submitted for the approval of the white electorate in
Mission on the Cape. He was one of the founders of the Alliance of the Black Re-
- A president of the Republic who would combine the functions of head of formed Christians of Africa on October
The president would be elected by an electoral college
27, 1981, at Hammanskraal. This alliance of 50 whites, 25 Coloured and 13 Indians appointed from among the majority parties in Parliament, and all members of the President's Council. The president chooses was to serve as a stepping stone for his the cabinet, formed by 25 members of the President's Council. The president is not election, in August the following year at
Ottawa, as president of the World Alli-
The cabinent is composed of parliamentarians and non-parliamentarians who ance of Reformed Churches, and where govern with the president and deal with major laws.
he would denounce apartheid as a heresy
The President's Council decides what is in the competence of Parliament and against the Evangelists. The NGS decided what is only within the competence of the president and his council. The council to affiliate to the South African Council will play an arbitrating role. Its decisions are final and beyond the courts. Its compoof Churches (SACC), whose secretary is sition will be 42 per cent 'president's men'. Among the parliamentarians will be 33
Bishop Desmond Tutu, although it is a per cent whites, 17 per cent Coloureds and 8 per cent Indians.
Parliament will have three separate chambers: the white House of Assembly minority within it.
(divided between the National Party, the Conservative Party and the FPF), a Coloured
But Allan Boesak is not content with
House of Representatives (with particularly the Labour Party represented) and an battles with the ecclesiastical hierarchy.
These two last chambers replace respectively the Coloured
He also occupies a key position in the alli-
Representative Council and the South African Indian Council.
ance and the structures advocated by the
'Charterist' current.
During the TASC congress, denouncing the decision of the
Coloured Labour Party, he called for rejection of the government's proposals to install a President's Council, here, and now', signifying the demand for
"All of our rights for all South Africans, here in a united South Africa, and now is the November 2 referendum included:
state and head of government.
responsible to Parliament and can dissolve it.
Indian House of Deputies.
sponsible for black affairs.
creating a non-racial South Africa; they must accept the need to unite in struggle with all South Africans, irrespective of race, who belive in the struggle for a free
South Africa' (17)
Launch of the UDF tion at Easter 1984. (19)
However, the show of strength in the launch of the UDF and the press coverage it got should not give the impression that all the mass organisations in the Republic of South Africa are already united be-
There are still many associations, particularly in the time. (14)
This was also the conclusion of his speech at the central launch meeting of a rally of several thousand people at the the UDF on August 20, 1983, at the Cape. During his remarks he criticised those black or white who depend upon economic exploitation and human degradation to build their empires'. (15)
On June 25 Allan Boesak also took part in a tribute paid to Canon Calata, a member of the ANC since 1930 and a former member of its National Executive Committee, who had just died. Concerning his presence at the UDF launch the Cape Times wrote, "He was clearly the man 6,000 people came to hear and see. Although he is one of the UDF patrons and not a member of the executive, he appears to be one of the the anti-government grouping."
The change in position by this branch of one of the most reactionary and antiCommunist churches demonstrates two
First of all, the crisis of the political domination of the apartheid system International Viewpoint 13 February 1984
The high point of this initiative was Cape addressed by Archie Gumede, son of a former president of the ANC and president of the Free Nelson Mandela Committee (ANC leader in life imprisonment), as well as Allan Boesak. Archie Gumede was elected president of the UDF together with Oscar Mpetha (released on bail and Albertine (wife of another AN leader imprisoned with Mandela). The other speakers were Thozamile Gqwetha (president of the South African Allied Workers Union -SAAWU), Helen Joseph, former secretary of the South African Women's Federation, and representatives of the Islamic Judiciary Council and the Natal Indian
Among the other organisations participating in the UDF, the white students representing 'Coloured' sections such as the Western Cape Traders should be mentioned. Even though they region, such as those close to the FRA or to the South Africa Council of Sport (SACOS) that are organised on a non-racial basis and are opposed to the regime, which have remained outside this move-
But one also notices the absence, most importantly at the national level, of the independent SAAWU, whose membership has been eroded by the severe repression, particularly from the Ciskei authorities, only the
Cape Times, August 23, 1983 Cape Times, August 22, 1983 The political heirs of part of the black cona section ian People's Organisation (AZAPO) has evolved class understanding of oppression in political organisation of the black consciousness tradition that has a national implantation. directed against the system of racial capitalism people of Azania in bondage for the benefit of the small minority of white
Council of Unions in South Africa (CUSA) at a national level is participating in the UDF, while it also supports the
This union organisation had 40,000 members in 1982, and is approaching 100,000 today, thanks to the growth of the miners union. Thus two thirds of the independent union movement remain outside the UDF, such as the most powerful organisation, the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU), that had more than 100,000 members in 1982 and presently has around 120,000. The UDF has decided to form a delegation to have talks with FOSATU.
The FOSATU made public its position on the UDF, adopted at its central committee meeting on October 15/16, 1983. It explained its reasons for non-affiliation to the UDF as follows: decided that it will not affiliate to the UDF. FOSATU believes that the unity of purpose created within worker-controlled organisations whose class base and purpose are clear would be lost within an organisation such as the UDF. The UDF represents a variety of class interests with no clear constitutional structure within which the majority of citizens can control the organisation. The UDF does however have a progressive policy as regards the political oppression of the majority of South Africans FOSATU welcomes and supports its opposition to the proposed constitu-
In fact, FOSATU waged its own campaign against the referendum, centred on 22 the demand 'One man, one vote. This campaign particularly took the form of distribution and wearing stickers on this theme by the workers in the enterprises where the federation is implanted, and a systematic appeal to the managements of these workplaces, them to state clearly their positions on the referendum and to reveal whether they had given financial support to the referendum campaign.
Despite the defection of the majority of the union movement the launch of the UDF remained, in the eyes of its creators, a spectacular success. estimated that the cost of the launch was 120,000 rand.
The National Party did not have much to say on the creation of the UDF. Chris Heunis, minister for constitutional development and planning, refused to make any comment. (20) The remarks of the of the NP parliamentary group mainly directed at Treurnicht's Conservative Party as well as the PFP -"The Conservative Party and the PFP had a new bed-mate in the shape of the UDF in their struggle against the proposed constitution.'
The PFP's welcome was less lukewarm. Van Zyl Slabbert, leader of the opposition, called it ' "A very important and significant development" ernment would ignore "at its and South Africa's peril". The quick and spontaneous mobilisation of the interests of close to a million people clearly demonstrated "an incredible gap" in the country's political structure.'
The national television network SABC was challenged by Alex Boraine, president of the PFP executive, The coming into being of the UDF is the most important development in South Africa since the 1950s. But the silence of SABC was deafening. Its bias is not only breathtaking, but it is also dangerous. The SABC continues to lull the whites of South Africa into a false sense of security. It is making the same tragic mistake made by the media in the days of change in Rhodesia [Zimbabwe]. Then there was a deliberate attempt to withhold all the truth from ordinary people' (23) Ale Boraine also challenged the governme over the manoeuvres aimed at sabotaging the UDF's rally, the distribution of take leaflets for example.
Many leaders of the UDF could take these remarks as their own. this does not mean at all that the black masses of Southern Africa identify the UDF with the liberal white sectors who represent the modernising sections of the employers. For the black masses who are looking for a united framework for mobilising against apartheid the UDF appears on the contrary as an enormous hope. The militant nature of the different UDF gatherings testifies to this.
But the very nature of the unity achieved within the UDF by the character of its components and the absence of the majority of the independent trade-union movement of the black workers, immediately restricts the ability of this coalition to respond to the expectations of the oppressed masses. so insofar as the basis of this body is limited to the struggle against the governconstitutional arrangements, which have now been approved by the majority of the white electorate and thus passed into reality. The question which is thus posed is the ability of the UDF to constitute a credible alternative to the regime and the effect of this unity on the mobilisations to come.
The internal dynamic of the system of capitalist and national exploitation based on racial discrimination puts out of the question any possibility of negotiating a parliamentary transfer of power.
The transition in Zimbabwe that the Lancaster House agreement made possible is quite unthinkable in this form in the Republic of South Africa, where the economic structure and the development of the movement are different. Proclaiming yourself an organising force for democratic aims does not answer all the questions of the revolution in Southern Africa.
Even from the ANC's point of view, which remains the principal popular political opposition force behind the UDF, the question of definition is decisive. In the ANC's journal Sechaba in October 1983 it was explained that, "The UDE mobilises all people into one mass movement and co-ordinates community resis20. Cape Times, August 22, 1983. 21. Idem, August 27, 1983. 22 Idem, August 22, 1983. 23. Idem, August 23, 1983.
International Viewpoint 13 February 1984
New organization of