amnesty law introduced in Colombia on November 19, 1982, is undoubtedly the broadest in scope in the whole history of the country. Under this law more than 500 political prisoners have been released. There has been an end to searches the perpetrators, the accomplices, against, for, and sentences conceal the facts about political offences...such as rebellion, sedition, riots, and all the related acts so as to facilitate or encourage the perpetration of these acts, or to conceal them' (articles 1 and 2 of the law 35/82). This also applies to those who have been fighting arms in hand who have not been arrested.
However, some restrictions have been included in the law. Excluded are 'homioutside combat - when they have been accompanied by illcides perpetrated or against a defenceless victim, or one in an disadvantageous situation, treatment, where that was exploited' (article 3).
The law also gives the president the power through budgetary adjustments to order forces in the regions affected by violence, and to re-organise the national police force.
The Partido Socialista Revolucionario (PSR - Revolutionary Socialist Party,
Colombian section of the Fourth International) considers that this law, despite numerous negative aspects, is a democratic gain for the Colombian people.
its
In the following article, Socorro Ramirez, a leader of the PSR, explains their attitude.
Socorro RAMIREZ
For three years the guerrilla forces have demanded a general amnesty. For this the central axis of it has been reason, the discussions and proposals of the democratic movement. In these circumstances the position taken by the guerrilla group
M-19 (April 19 Movement) seems incomprehensible. Once the law was approved, and they had previously supported it, they put forward a whole series of maximalist conditions, virtually amounting to demanding the revolution, as a prerefor quisite accepting these measures.
The pro-Soviet Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia (FARC) have called for the demilitarisation of the war zones, and welcomed the law. Other guerrilla have position organisations taken a against the law. These were the Castroist
Army (ELN); the
National
Liberation
Maoist People's Liberation Army (ELP);
For those who 'civic-military actions' by the armed the Pedro Leon Arboleda, a dissident faction of the EPL; and the Workers Self
The ELN for example has stated that it will continue fighting. Although the law does not demand that they lay down their arms, or that they personally give themselves up, there are at most only one hundred guerrilla fighters who have accepted it.
Unhappily, this law, although it is big advance, has not been accompanied by social reforms to deal with the problems of poverty, the monopoly of the land by the rich unemployment, the problems that give rise to permanent violence.
FEEL
Presidential decrees have established programmes of public works, offers of credit, jobs, and grants. But these offer no solution to the key problems, which only by a democratic agrarian reform. Such a reform would not simply have to distribute land to the poor out where they are, nor can anyone guarantee that they are still alive.
Many workers have been killed during the strikes that took place recently to the west of Antioquia, demanding a lowering in prices of the public services. These rises have just been imposed by the World Bank on the government as a condition for getting international credits.
No political reform has been drawn up that would guarantee rights to minorities by granting legal possibilities for opposition. If it is considered necessary to integrate into civilian life those who have taken up arms, then it is also necessary to abolish the private preserves of the bourgeois two-party system that have been built on the basis of a monopoly of national political life.(2)
This would require a series of measures such as the PSR has proposed. For example, that the government's rule should be limited to codifying the rights of political parties; it must not assure the power to regulate how they function.
All citizens, including the illiterates, should be able to participate in elections. The opposition particularly needs to be allowed permanent access to radio and television. There should be a 'fourth power to oversee electoral questions; a commission representing all political points of view. The system for granting legal status to parties should be modern1. MAS - Muerte a los secuestradores, Death to the kidnappers. paramilitary group financed by the Colombian mafia oppose kidnappings of personalities. Has close links • with the police. 2. Bourgeois bipartyism: traditional bourgeois political system which alternates power between the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party.
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Declaration of the Executive Committee commission is a recognition of the work mobilisations, but as a platform and support for democratic, trade-union and popular struggles. This is why we have travelled all over the country to tell people, and to call on them to mobilise. This is the only guarantee that exists for obtaining the fulfillment of the demands of the Colombian PSR
The amnesty law is a democratic victory for the Colombian people. It is the of struggle for human rights, for amnesty, and political result of three years liberties. Thanks to this law more than a hundred of our compatriots can return to their country; at least three hundred political prisoners will be released; and many people persecuted for their political opinions will benefit from it. Furthermore, it will open the doors to a dialogue between the government and the insur-
The first steps toward this should be a truce between the gent guerrilla forces.
as requested by the Commission for Peace; and most, opposing parties, mentally, a withdrawal of the army from the rural zones; and the dismantling of the paramilitary organisations.
It is evident that there are negative aspects to this law. It is not a completely
It does not reform the Penal Code. And it grants, in an absurd and unconstitutional way, the right for the government to reorganise the police force, and continue its civic-military campaigns. But, at the same time, it amounts to progress. And we who have fought, as a revolutionary opposition, to achieve this gain recognise what it represents.
is only an important demand for a measure
The amnesty, this is crystal clear, of political democracy; it is not a social revolution. Revolution is not a demand
It is a mass process that has to be organised and carried it is not negotiable.
through to a successful conclusion.
What is important today is to make sure the law is applied, mobilisations, through holding the Third Forum for Human Rights. We have to fight for the amnesty in the universities, in the workplaces.
an emergency economic plan which would create a massive number of jobs; for democratic agrarian and urban reform; for real nationalisation of the national and foreign big monopolies; for effective political guarantees to the opposition so that they can participate in the debates and socio-political processes; for respect for the lives of opponents, and their access to radio and television. A law providing for rights for opposition political parties is necessary, as well as the abolition of
Article 28 of the national constitution.
We reiterate that the overall solution to the crisis in the country requires the assembly, as the permanent framework for calling of a people's constituent adopting adequate social, political and economic solutions.
Executive Committee of the Partido Socialista Revolucionario
Colombian section of the Fourth International
Bogota, November 1982.
ised, the present is completely one fraudulent and out of date.
The proposals we are making are part of the social and economic reforms necessary to achieve real national independence. These would allow for democratic reorganisation that can deal with the crisis of the state from top to bottom. Only a democratic sovereign constituent assembly, directly representing the interests of the workers and the people, can achieve this objective. This proposal, which is part and parcel of programme, has reaffirmed in many forums, congresses, mobilisations, and commissions, since the foundation of the PSR. This is why it meets with a certain response today, as an for dealing with the crisis.
THE PSR AND THE COMMISSION
As regards the Commission for Peace appointed by President Belisario Betancur, we have stated our position publicly and disseminated it widely. As I said when the commission was set up on September
23, 1982, the fact that my name was included in the list of members of this
MBLM fundaWe have to fight for done for amnesty, demilitarisation, human rights, and social demands for which I have fought on behalf of the PSR and the democratic left. In no case can my nomination - backed by my party - be interpreted as support to the present gov-
'Our participation is aimed at allowing us to put forward social, economic, and political proposals that can promote the fight for a democratic amnesty - bring about genuine negotiations between the parties engaged in military confrontation, that is, the state and the guerrillas.
'A true amnesty would not only have to be far-reaching, but also accompanied by a series of political and social mea-
I think that a priority would be to have a broad workers mobilisation to defend and extend the democratic rights of working people, while supporting the general amnesty. Such a mobilisation is needed to force an immediate answer fate of the 'disappeared'; demilitarisation of the rural areas; and to press for an inquiry into the paramilitary as the MAS and to stop their activities.'
This is why we have accepted nomination to this top-level commission. We do not consider it as a place for negotiation behind the backs of the popular and proposals that we have just mentioned.
THE FAILURE OF THE INTER-AMERICAN SYSTEM
The bankruptcy of the inter-American system is still more obvious since Malvinas war. Colombia announced its participation in the Non-Aligned Move-
At the time of Reagan's visit to Bogota last December President Betancur made criticisms of the United States' policy in Latin America. He declared himself in favour of an organisation of American states (OAS) including USA and Cuba.
The speeches of the Colombian Chancellor to the General Assembly of the United Nations, and to the leadership of the OAS, were marked by "ThirdWorldist' language. But this is an example of trying to have it both ways. It's a language of threats and criticisms aimed at negotiating the best prices for Colombian goods in the international market and getting new loans. It is a way of trying to establish a leading role in Latin America, however, re-establishing rela
IS BETANCUR A GUARANTOR OF PEACE AND AN ANTI-IMPERIALIST?
In Belisario Betancur, we by no means have an anti-imperialist democrat. The populist speeches and the changed style that he has assumed with such ease since August 7, 1982, the date of his entry into office, have excited certain expectations, and provoked some confusion.
The size of Betancur's electoral victory. and the sympathetic response that it evoked in the country contributed to this. For the bourgeoisie it was a clever cosmetic operation, designed to adjust for, and incorporate into the institutional structure, new social realities that exist within the country and internationally.
We are confronted with a bipartisan regime, which involves the two tradiparties - the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party - in the government's plans and projects.
The position of the Alianza Nacional Popular (ANAPO - National People's Alliance, extreme-right) and of Chrisare of secondary importance, influence on fundemental political decisions.
As for the left and the workers movement, they are invited to participate in discussions and actions whose work has long been defined by the parlia mentary majority and the government, which are just the same. The contradictions which exist between different factions of the bourgeoisie are only the reflection of a tug of war over administra
CONTRA • EL
PIO PLENAS LIBERCADES SEOURIDAD
GENDERATICAS.
group of the Workers Internationalist League, led by Nahuel Moreno. This group refused to be part of this popular mobilisation and held their own meeting on the day of the visit. This meeting was rapidly dispersed by the police, and had no tive posts, or are the after-effects of the recent election campaign.
Will the workers movement and the left be able to take advantage of this short breathing-space? Will they be able through mobilisation and struggle for clear demands to win a broadening of PARTOO, SOCIALISTA AETOLUCIONARIA democratic and trade-union liberties, that can open up opportunities for working-class political action and organisation?
The economic policy of the president shows most clearly the real interests that he represents and is defending. Confronted with the world recession, the budgetary deficit, the drop in industrial and agro-industrial production, increasing inflation, the spectacular financial bankruptey of the regime and of the enterprises, he is upholding the interests of the
He is following a probig bourgeoisie. imperialist policy. He has promised the PSR contingent at an electoral meeting in Cali, February 1982 (DR) bosses all sorts of help; such as lowering the taxes on the income of big capital. At the same time, he is increasing the movement is starting to revive, and de- tions of the Maoists and Stalinists. The indirect taxes on products, of which the burden falls mainly on workers. He has offered a wide range of incentives to the large car and textile companies, as well as to big agricultural producers.
But for the people, who are in extreme poverty, the only measures proposed involve appeals to sacrifice; to accept a wage-freeze, at a level insufficient to meet a rocketing cost of living; an increase in the cost of publie services; or the privatisation of some public services.
The bankruptcy of finance companies like the Colombia Group, associated with the National Bank - following the collapse of the State Bank - was mopped up by nationalisation measures decreed in the name of the 'Economy Emergency. The state has taken over the losses and swindles of the private gankers, like those of the savings companies, in order to save the credibility of the financial system.
After a long period of downturn, during which democratic freedoms were pushed aside by military terror, there are certain indications that the mass mand rapid solutions to problems that have become acute. But this has not yet led to confrontation with the government, or to disillusionment with it, since it has made a lot of promises that have not yet been exposed.
The civic strikes, the strikes in the factories, the demonstrations for wage increases, against the MAS, or in solidarity with the people of El Salvador, Palestine, and Poland, and even the protest against Reagan's visit to Colombia, have succeeded so far only in involving vanguard militants. A youth congress, which drew in different organisations and sectors from many areas of the country, started to pose the question of unity between workers and students.
An Assembly of Independent Trade-Unionists, which is not federated to any of the four workers centrals that exist, involving over 1,000 participants, analysed the national situation, and that of the workers and popular movements. Within this the PSR argued for trade-union unity, and for participation in the struggle for democratic rights and liberties, opposing the sectarian and divisive posiresults were very positive, and Jose Arnulfo Bayona, a leader of the PSR and the Colombian Federation of Education, was elected a member of the national co-ordinating committee.
### OUR PRIORITY TASKS
We are preparing the third Forum on Human Rights (scheduled for February 1983) to involve democratic annd trade-union sectors, on themes such as the right to life, against the MAS murderers; for democratic opportunity, and peace. This will facilitate, furthermore, the struggle for the political conditions necessary for the amnesty law to be applied.
The fight for dismantling the present financial and banking system, through nationalisation, is a central one for the trade-union movement. An emergency plan is necessary in order to recover our natural wealth; and we have to mobilise for higher wage and job security. To make progress towards a single trade-union federation we must have a signature campaign for unity between the Confederation of Colombian Workers (CSTO — a class-struggle federation controlled by the Colombian Communist Party) with
Reagan's visit to Colombia
Large demonstrations of discontent took place in several cities in the country at the time of Ronald Reagan's visit to Colombia,
National University of Bogota students took to the streets and confronted the police.
This is the second time in the history of the country that a 'gringo' (North
American) president has come to 'converse'
This time it was in response to a pressing invitation from the new president,
Belisario Betancur.
On the eve of the US president's arrival two political organisations called for a demonstration to make a public protest against the visit: namely the Colombian
Communist Party (CCP) and the Revolutionary Socialist Party (PSR
Colombian section of the Fourth International). The demonstration succeeded in breaking the police lines and reaching its target. North American flags and an effigy of Reagan were then burnt.
A discordant note came from the Socialist Workers Party, impact on Colombian public opinion.
on December 3, 1982.
At the the Colombian bourgeoisie.
with
PST, Colombian those trades unions independent from the bosses or the government. The amnesty should be applied in the workplaces to those who have been sacked for their political positions, or because of their trade-union responsibilities. They must be reinstated in their places of work Or study, in factories or universities.
Participation in the Non-Aligned Movement on the basis of respect for the autonomy and the national sovereignty of Colombia, must lead Colombia out of the Yankee orbit, and to opposition to Reagan's adventurist wars against the peoples of Central America and the Caribbean. Relations with Cuba must be re-established, and relations with Nicaragua improved.
These are some of the primary tasks for revolutionary socialists in Colombia.
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