Mauritius shortly after the elections, examines the new situation in more depth. Claude GABRIEL
The incredible result of the elections on June 11 opens a new situation in this small island and in the southern Indian Ocean. The popular jubiliation which followed the announcement of the results indicated the feelings of the toiling masses. For them, it was like a second Independence celebration and strengthened national feeling. A wide majority dismissed those who, for the last fourteen
The FNAS was set up at the end of 1981 to oppose unemployment and demand unemployment benefits. several hundred activists and draws between three and five hundred to its meet-
In December 1981 it organised a rally attended by over ten thousand peo-
The FNAS was doubtful about the alliance between the MMM and the bourgeois PSM. However, as it called for outsting the right wing it finally had to call for a vote for the coalition, as there was no way of differentiating between the two parties in voting.
Since the election it has stated that it will support the positive measures put forward by the government, but will not follow them into an alliance with the
There have been a list of urgent demands drawn up which go beyond unemployment benefits to nationalisation years, have sold the country, its resources, its soil (1) in order to get togewith imperialism. The Mauritian voted en bloc against poverty, unemployment, and austerity. of participation in the elections reached 90 per cent-higher than the vote for independence in 1968 which signified the break with Great Britain.
The candidates of the left coalition Mouvement Militant Mauricien/Parti Socialiste Mauricien (MMM/PSM) gained between 55 and 80 per cent of the vote, according to the constituency. The electorral system in Mauritius is that each elector is presented with a list of names from which three are chosen. results demonstrated that votes were registered en bloc for the three candidates presented by the MMM/PSM coalition.
was almost no cross-voting among the different lists, the three elected being most often credited with very close scores.
The ex-majority was truly routed The former Prime Minister, Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, was beaten by 6,000 votes in Pamplemousse and ended up behind the three members of the MMM/PSM. The former Minister of the Economy, Ringaloo, only came sixth in his constituency. The American advisors who organised the Parti de l'Alliance Nationale campaign did not in the end succeed in performing a miracle. The other reactionary formations, including the Parti Mauricien Social-Democrate (PMSD) of Gaetan Duval, also did very poorly. of the sugar plantations, workers control, rather than co-management, and a law on the forty-hour week.
The main leaders in the FNAS belong to an opposition grouping in the leadership of MMM which calls itself revolutionary Marxist and publishes a bulletin Lalit Travayer (Workers Struggle).
Although this current is weak and unorganised it offers a possibility of preventing future demoralisation of the mass movement when it is confronted with the betrayals of the leadership, and a lead in mobilisation when the right reThe future of revolutionary currents in Mauritius depends on their ability to unite the youth and the unemployed to the union struggle of the working class in the key sectors of the ecoThus, the elections expressed a very clear for unity and anti-imperialism among the toiling masses in Mauritius.
### DEEPROOTED CAUSES
The bourgeois press will undoubtedly explain the 'sixty to nil' result as a success for the MMM's policy of alliance with the small PSM which is reassuring and 'honest'. It will draw out from it all possible commentary on the new social alliances in Mauritius. However, two far more decisive facts explain the left's vic-
On the right, the crisis of the neo. colonial state has scattered the interests of the different clans and cliques of the former coalition government. The economic and social crisis increased the centrifugal forces within the ruling Parti Travailliste (PT-Labour Party). This party which, since 1969, had continually lost which owed its hegemony to the phenomenon of 'communalism' to electoral alliances made at the last micrisis of decomposition enough to interpret the PT defeat as the result only of an electoral battle. woosagur Ramgoolam and his team have also felt the effects of an economic and social crisis which the new government could tomorrow have the same effects on
On the left, despite the lack of mobilisation and organisation of the workers by the MMM over the past months, there was fantastic popular participation in the campaign against the right. The island was literally plastered with posters and slogans, not leaving the slightest space for the rightwing propaganda. Meetings were massive. It is significant that amongst the militants campaigning most actively for the defeat of the right there were mem bers of the National Front Against Unemployment (FNAS, see box) who have made no secret of their feelings about the 'social consensus' proposed by the MMM. This can be explained by the political maturity and the class consciousness of a large part of the working and unemployed youth who understood the importance of the defeat of the right to improve conditions for the struggle to come. On the evening of Saturday, June 12, when the results were announced, one frequently heard workers stressing their desire to go further and impose the will of the klas travayer (working class). The meetings of the FNAS throughout the election campaign drew thousands of peo. ple. Young people, who comprise more than 50 percent of the population, the abandoned victims of underdevelopment, retain a very high combativity. The new regime will have to take account of this social force at a time when it will be dif.
The island of Diego Garcia, for example. has been leased by Great Britain to the USA, who have installed the biggest military base in the Indian Ocean, having moved out all the inhabitants. All this was with the complicity of Seewoosagur Ramgoolam tionary Maurun police basis of teac
It is a sort of political 'clientalism' on the basis of ethnic or religious groups. It is added to the Hindu caste system.
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ficult to make people believe that the But the significant fact is the present crichange they are waiting for will come.
A NEW SOCIAL BLOC? The election results on Friday, June 11, 1982, can only be explained by the
Other social layers also voted for the candidates of the MMM/ PSM coalition, dropping their old sympathies with the PT, the Muslim Action Committee (MAC), or the PMSD. There is no doubt that even the big shopowners and industrialists have also made that choice, seeking to support-or contain—a new policy which would have the sympathy of the population. Paul Berenger, national secretary of the MMM, cynically to the newspaper The Mauritian on Monday, June 14, that their campaign had benefited from contributions of up to 5,000 rupees. (3) He said: "There has been a movement of the petty and middle bourgeoisie and the intellectuals towards the MMM. This had more than political
The bourgeoisie has, by the way, chosen a courteous approach to this new government. On Thursday, June 17, leaders of the Joint Economic Committee (JEC), the Mauritius Employers Federation (MEF), and the Mauritius Export Processing Zone Association (MEPZA) gave the new Prime Minister, Aneerood Jugnauth, President of the MMM, a favourable opinion. They even considered his first press conference as 'very positive, judging that it represented a first step in a good direction' and 'a sign of a new future'. The MEF confirmed its wish to collaborate with the new government. It is somewhat ironic to see an employers leader 'give his total support to the government, because the development of the free trade zone will mean a reduction in the number of unemployed' (4) when we recall that, up to 1978, the MMM had always attacked this 'state within a state'
The bourgeois sectors had therefore been divided on the eve of the elections and some have not hesitated to support the MMM/PSM bloc. The election result was all the more disastrous for the outgoing government. But, strangely, many people on Mauritius have interpreted these results as a defeat of 'communalism and 'casteism'. The fact that Boolel, an old political schemer, lost the traditional vote which he used to get from Indian agricultural workers in his constituency, or that Yussuf Mohamed, the Muslim leader of the Mauritius Islamic Party, was defeated in his constituency which has a Muslim majority is, without a shadow of a doubt, indication of a change in the electorate. The popular unity around the MMM/PSM coalition could only reinforce national feeling against the traditional clientelism of the Hindu, Tamil, and Muslim candidates. But it would be wrong to rapidly conclude that communalism has been got rid of. The MMM/PSM coalition for example has very often chosen its candidates in relation to the ethnic and religious composition of the constituencies. 12 sis following the appointment of ministers. (6) Two MPs refused parliamentary posts that they were offered in place of ministerial portfolios, another protested that he had been forgotten in the distribution of prizes. (7) But, all these affairs smell of communalism. We saw a certain number of voters demonstrate to demand from their MPs that they refuse any post considered as insufficient or insulting. On the evening of the formation of the new government, the Prime Minister Aneerood Jugnauth declared that 'it had been necessary to take account of the reality of the country' that the judicious ethnic dosages have been far from perfect. The presence, in force, of big shop owners and notables in the entourage of the new regime can only arouse communalist reflexes. Only a policy based deliberately on the workers could have a real chance of combatting
FIRST MEASURES AND PERSPECTIVES The government has first of all engaged itself to fight against corruption in political life. It announced that ministerial salaries, as well as those of the MPs, would be made public. Some material advantages (tax-free goods) would be reduced. More important was the decision to increase the lowest wages by thirty per
The Prime Minister has announced that he is initiating important discussions to have the Diego Garcia island, presently occupied by the largest US base in the whole Indian Ocean, returned to the Mau-
Finally, the government has confirmed its desire to broaden demoracy, amend the repressive law of the Public Order Act and the Industrial Relations Act, and respect the election dates, in particular the call for municipal elec.
In the more long term, it will be necessary to follow the implementation of the electoral promises of the MMM/ PSM, notably as regards the nationalisation of the docks at Port Louis and two sugar plants. But we are far, very far, from a radical policy liberating the country from the imperialist stranglehold. Although we already know that the Speaker in the Assembly will no longer wear a British-style wig, we do not know if or how the constitution, making the contry a member of the Commonwealth associated with the European Economic Community, and keeping the Napoleonic Code, will be amended. Is a republic going to be proclaimed, and the formal link with the British crown broken? In this case are we to take seriously the rumour, propose the former Prime Minister, Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, as President of known, a sympathiser of the FNAS said "They wanted three-quarters of the Assembly to change the constitution-they were given four quarters. Now we are waiting.' This reflects the views of many. The workers are right to be anxious. The policy of Paul Berenger, now the Minister of the Economy and Finances, is clasically reformist, finding its inspiration in the theses of Michele Rocard, French Minister of the Economy. The free trade zone is considered as an important means to reduce unemployment. Tourism is likely to increase the inflow of foreign currency (8); creating jobs remains dependent on the dialogue with the bosses and the development of private enterprise. The proposed nationalisations therefore only ap pear as instruments of rationalisation and to increase the public income. tionalisation of two sugar plants, out of the nineteen existing, is unlikely to solve the problems of that key industry in Mauritius, and the nationalisation of the docks will no doubt help to better control the fighting spirit of the dockers
Paul Berenger proposes therefore 'national unity' to build socialism with a Mauritian face'. Few workers share this ideology and their fear of a 'left austerity' is more widespread
Significantly, the JEC gave up the idea of presenting its report before the elections. This report, only made public on Thursday, June 17, recommends a period of austerity lasting from three to five years in order to prevent Mauritius from 'definite economic bankruptcy'. The JEC report recommends, among other things, that the working week is extended to 45 hours, and that public holidays are reduced to 12 days per year. Are these recommendations going to be implemented? Is it not scandalous to put forward such a policy in a country where the large planters live like old-fashioned plantation owners; where there are still no property taxes outside the urban zones, which implies that all the bourgeois villas and sugar owners properties are run tax-free? Is it not scandalous to ask the workers to pay, when it is announced that Seewoosagur Ramgoolam will get a state pension as former Prime Minister and that the MMM newspaper, on Friday, June nounced under the headline National reconciliation' that he is going to be given an official motorcar?
If the policy of the MMM and the PSM follows such a pattern it is going to lead to failure. On the evening of Saturcay, June 12, on television Harish Boodhoo, leader of the PSM, announced that 'there will be a Mauritian solution to the Mauritian problem'. It is certainly not
Le Nouveau Militant (The New Militant), organ of the MMM, June 18, 1982 5. Programme of the MMM (1970).
The new government has 19 ministers. The PSM has 5 of these, and one is a member of the Organisation of the People of Rodriguez, a political group close to the MMM on the is land of Rodriguez. 7. Le Mauricien (The Mauritian), June 17, 1982.
*I also make an appeal to South African tourists, saying to them that Mauritius is even more interesting to visit than in the past and that, if they would like to get to know an admirable people, of all colours, it is certainly Mauritius to which they should come.' (Paul Berenger, interviewed in Le Mauricien, June 14, 1982). One visits Mauritius as if it is a Z0o....
by following the same type of policy that has been followed previously that such an ideal can be reached. Reducing corruption and temporary support by the work.
ers have never been sufficient to solve underdevelopment. Mauritius is a neocolo.
nial country.
The evening of the results, thousands of youth hovered the streets to celebrate their revenge. In contrast with this popular celebration, the leaders-that very evening and the following days-gave an incredible number of warnings.
Berenger at the Quatre Born polling station in the suburb of Port Louis, capital of Mauritius, went as far as to ask the crowd to listen to the 'comrades' from the PAN and the PMSD that had been de.
feated, adding amid shouts of disapproval that if it were not done he would leave immediately. Here are some examples of the cynical statements of the
*Already, I call upon all those concerned, not to give way to sectoral economic demands, but on the contrary that everyone help us to present the budget...Our priority is to reassure people.' (Paul Berenger The Mauritian, June 14, 1982). 'I can say that we shall not toleragainst the law; we shall take the necessary action.
will act against them, the judiciary will act against them without pity. I re-
We are all Mauritians.' (Harish Boodhoo, PSM, speaking on television June 12, 1982). I want to thank wisdom, and for having passed powers smoothly...We expect the cooperation of our former opponents. rod Jugnauth, Prime Minister during a press conference on June 16).
And the rest is in keeping with that. The workers listened to these speeches in consternation. Sponteneous very often took place around these declarations and everyone felt that they did quished, i.e., the bosses and the political schemers for the PT and the PMS, the their leaders asked them to be. evening of Saturday, June 12, young people were carrying coffins bearing the inscription Here lies the right." same time their leaders were sweating in front of the microphone calling on the down and reconcile. SOME HOPES OF STRUGGLE On Sunday, June 20, a meeting took place in Port Louis attended by 200,000 people. This gigantic attendance had gone to hear the new leaders of the country. In spite of some militant speeches, the general tone of the meeting was below the expectations of the people. The speeches once again included calls to calm, to disciplined productive effort, and respect towards former opponents. The crowd only reacted enthusiastically when an orator denounced the former regime. The majority of the workers who attended that gathering wondered about the practical consequences of the ministerial speeches. To produce yes, but for
Are they going to nationalise the factories? How are they going to reduce the arrogance of the bosses, now that their representatives have been thrown out of government?
Everyone was conscious that this gathering spreading over the
Champs de Mars in Port Louis and the neighbouring hills was a symbol of struggle and unity. Young people, who ence again had filled the streets towards the meeting, gave the impression of wanting to fight with the property owners and bosses. tial for struggle found no echo in the behaviour and the speeches that they were offered by the platform. This contradiction was to be confirmed even more when on Friday, June 25, the 'speech from the
(Mauritius as a member of the Commonwealth has a governor), that is to say the governmental programme for the year to come, (9) was presented to ParliaMilitant of FNAS arrested (DR)
The general line of this programme can be summarised as a wish to rationalise the Mauritian neo-colonial economy. There were proposals to nationalise some without mentioning which leaving little chance that these nationalisations be implemented in the year
The nationalisation of the docks was reduced to state control over the operations of loading and unloading ships, which more resembles a wish to control the dockers rather than a perspective of attacking the private interests of that sector. It is proposed to associate workers to the management of the public enterprises with the obvious idea of achieving co-management which will tie the hands of the union movement. Nothing was said of the nationalisation of the sugar plantations.
The positive proposals in the programme, not altering in any way its totally insufficient character, were about the struggle against corruption and the scandalous advantages primarily granted to the ministers, e.g., tax-free goods, and also about a reorganisation of the transportation sector aiming at regroup ing the small landowners in co-operatives, and a project of irrigation in the north Which would benefit small planters.
In a general way the government programme is scandalously vague as soon as it begins to tackle central questions for the day to day life of workers: the proposal for a commission of enquiry , into the sugar industry did not have nationalisation as its aim; unemployment benefit was simply mentioned without any further details; improvements in the fields of health and housing were reduced to mere promises.
In the field of foreign affairs non-alignment is to be maintained but it was stated that the country will improve its relations Britain, jective of demilitarisation in the Indian Ocean can be summarized into proposals of negotiation without mobilising the workers against the imperialist dangers.
Although the programme is nothing else than a vague reformist manifesto, it is interesting to fully grasp the illusions of its writers. It is fashionable today in Mauritius, including among the right wing and the bosses, to show confidence in the new government and to wish it well. The only one who wanted to have his doubts known was Gaeton Duval, leader of the PMSD, who stressed that such a programme cannot be fulfilled in one year.... but in twenty years. In a way Gaetan Duval is telling some truth. If one is not prepared to overturn the neo-colonial economy of this country one cannot ex pect, through a long series of technical measures, to see it come out of poverty and under-development
This project, already doomed to failure, will be all the more dangerous for the government as the large mass of the workers is expecting a radical change.
want nationalisation without compensation, and to get rid of the old
They want an end to unemployment, improvements in work conditions and their lives, to work a 40 hour week, and an end to the shameful privileges of big white landowners and industrialists and the big shopowners. They do not want mere amendments to the repressive laws such as the IRA and POA, but their
The first impression one has had on the island over these past few days is the desire to struggle shown by the young workers and the unemployed. This is a deeprooted movement among the dispossessed; a collective consciousness is being developed little by little. MMM does not seem to be really decided to follow the mass movement, which it, in its newspaper the New Militant, now talks of as 'non-civilised' people (10)-the workers who whistled at the former ministers who came to Parliament on Friday.
Le Mauricien, June 26, 1982 10. Le Nouveau Militant, June 26, 1982.
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