In the third interview, Francisco "Dodong" Nemenzo and Randolfo "Randy" David describe Bisig, which was formed at the end of May 1986. Bisig groups elements coming from almost every section of the Filipino left. Dodong and Randy explain what unites these diverse elements, the lessons that they have drawn from their past experience and how the new organization was forged. In doing so, they were led to take up fundamental questions, such as the united front and relations among progressive forces, as well as the content and timeliness of a socialist perspective.
These three interviews illustrate the pluralism of the Filipino left today and the ripening of what are already long-standing debates. After the development of a multiform resistance to the Marcos dictatorship, the experience of mass struggles in the years 1983-1985 and of the "February revolution" in 1986, all the components of the people's movement are trying to make balance sheets. 4
They are also seeking, for the first time in a systematic way, to incorporate the lessons of revolutionary experiences outside Asia, especially those of the Central American revolutions.
In the Communist Party of the Philippines itself, a fundamental debate has emerged. It is difficult to know its full extent or all of the positions involved. But from dialogue with activists, reading interviews with leaders and thanks to the circulation of internal discussion documents, it is possible to get an idea of the scope of the questions raised. Differences on CPP self-criticism
The self-criticism published last May by the CPP characterized the boycott of the presidential elections as a "grave tactical error." Elements of the CPP were opposed in principle to this self-criticism. But it is clear that there are also disagreements about the extent of this error, on the reasons for it, on what reorientations are desirable, and on what meaning should be given to the term "tactical" in the self-criticism.
Since his arrest, Jose Maria Sison has not held an active leadership post in the CPP. He speaks in his own name. But it may be supposed that sections of the party identify with positions he expresses. Joma stresses the limits of the error committed.
society from the 'semi-feudal, semi-colonial' stage to a system that is essentially capitalist. Shortly, the NDF's 12-point program will be pan wal brought up to date." (1)
Finally, discussion articles signed by Marty Villalobos take up straightforwardly a certain number of big political questions in the light of the Central American experience in particular. (2) They analyze the turn in the situation in the Philippines in 1983 and its implications for revolutionists. They discuss the anti-dictatorial struggle and the question of the united front, the quicking of the pace of the fall of the Marcos regime, the shift from a strategy of prolonged people's war to a more insurrectionary one and, finally, the tactical flexibility and capacity for national initiatives that the party must demonstrate when the time is favorable.
The discussions underway are all the more difficult since there is not a solid tradition of political and ideological debate within the Filipino left. While they are necessary, it is not certain that these debates can be carried through to the end in the coming period. But they are nonetheless rich and basic, of interest to every revolutionary activist.
These discussions have also been made more difficult by the country's great political instability.
1. Interview with Satur Ocampo, August 21, 1986, published in 'Philippines Informations,' No. 46, October 1986, p. 4.
2. - The documents signed Marty Villalobos express the point of view within the CPP of a group of influential cadres especially in the capital. This name was made up from the names of the Salvadoran revolutionist Joaquin Villalobos and the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front.
International Viewpoint 8 December 1986