Thirteen may be Pinochet's unlucky number THIRTEEN YEARS after the US-backed coup that saw the bloody overthrow of Salvador Allende's Popular Unity government on September 11, 1973, the country of Chile remains crisis-ridden in all respects - politically, economically and socially. (1)
The thirteenth anniversary of General Augusto Pinochet's regime was marked by anti-government demonstrations, violently attacked by the police. But these events themselves were overshadowed by the unsuccessful assassination attempt on Pinochet, and the subsequent imposition of a new state of siege, wide-ranging arrests and a number of oppositionists murdered by unidentified "death-squads" in retaliation.
This article looks at the background to these events and the implications for the life-expectancy of the Pinochet regime. International Viewpoint will carry a report shortly on the aftermath of the imposithe Spanish, Uruguayan and Venezuelan embassies, and that the network they worked for was preparing to carry out similar operations in the British and American embassies.
August 19 saw the spectacular kidnapping of Colonel Mario Haeberle, apparently by the Manuel Rodriguez Patriotic Front (MRPF). Although the colonel was held for only a few days, and then released unharmed, the event sent shock waves throughout the government and shattered the confidence of the regime.
Two weeks previously, the MRPF held a semi-clandestine press conference in Santiago, to which foreign journalists were invited, to announce that two army conscripts had decided to join the armed struggle against the regime. They had taken such a dramatic step because they were "tired of being used to repress the people". The two desertions were recognized by the army in a brief press communique two days later.
The military dictatorship is also deeply divided around a judicial investigation of the activities of a Joint Commando during 1975-1976, allegedly headed by ex-junta member and now retired air force General Gustavo Leigh. The Commando's tion of the state of siege. M JAVIER
"From abroad Chile looks tiny, violent, isolated and growing poor in every sense. its internal situation has been stretched to the utmost limit • . [The] rational way out cannot be other than an agreement with the military so that they fulfil their responsibilities and show political will to open up the transitional process ... [They] promised to restore the democratic institutionality to the country but have not done so. They must do it now, before it is too late." (2)
This is Christian Democrat President Gabriel Valdes' curious and twisted logic about Chile's crisis and the solution he and his party favours. Obviously, the old and seasoned politicians know the country faces stark choices and sense the advent of dramatic events. Accordingly, they are getting in line to offer their services to any "American solution" which may be on the cards, being painfully aware of the dangers inherent if they seriously take up and lead the struggle to get rid of the dictatorship themselves.
Their response comes at a moment of deep political crisis and against the background of increasing social unrest. Lately, the news broadcasts have reported extensively on the discoveries of arms cashes (eight 8 tons of it!) in the northern provinces, as well as alarmist reports of 267 acts of "terrorist violence" in the first six months of this year. There was national and international indignation at the savage killing of Rodrigo Rojas Denegri, an 18-year-old Chilean who was visiting the country from Washington and participated in an anti-government demonstration. He and his friend Gloria Quintana were "doused with petrol by members of the security forces, set alight then dumped by the roadside". (3)
The United States - Pinochet's staunchest ally - has been making noises and signals of growing concern. John Galvin, the general in charge of the US army's southern command, said in the August 17 edition of El Mercurio: "The [Chilean] armed forces' professionalism is a characteristic that will help the country in the transition toward a democratic government".
Politically, the country is dominated by an atmosphere of fin de regime. Scandals of all sorts are being suddenly uncovered by interested parties within the establishment itself. Two navy NCO's who deserted revealed at a press conference that they had been assigned by the security services to spy on diplomatic missions in Santiago. They said they had already spied on purpose was the extermination of the main clandestine leaders of the Communist Party. The ad-hoc communist party. o the aa-noc designated judge, Carlos Cerda, issued arrest warrants against Leigh and 39 other men, two of them civilians, who are accused of being responsible for the death of ten leading members of the Communist Party in 1976. Military hierarchy divided
It is reported that there are serious splits within the military hierarchy as to the best way to confront this affair. Some want to manoeuvre it out of existence by means of granting an amnesty to the culprits; others, more sensitive to the reduced social base of the regime, would prefer to have a tightly stage-managed trial in order to improve the regime's ugly image. Regardless, there have been no arrests to date.
Another investigation by the judiciary is also besieging the embattled regime. Mario Martinez Rodrigues, leader of the Santiago University
1. See "Pinochet's regime facing new crisis", by Jair Gil International Viewpoint" No. 85, October 28, 1985.
2. 'ASPI' (independent review of the Chilean left) No. 186, August 1986.
3. 'Financial Times, September 2, 1986.
International Viewpoint 29 September 1986
Student murdered
Domingo,
Martinez
Christian
Federation, was found on a beach near Santo
100 miles from Santiago.
was a member of the
Democratic Party. The circumstances of his death have not yet been uncovered.
The regime's sense of political direction seems to be somewhat lost, except for Pinochet's firm belief that he is indispensable for the maintenance of law and order through a system he and his cronies euphemistically call "protected democracy" . The pomp of official ceremonies has increased simultaneously with the arrogance of his closest aides, to the despair and embarrassment of some of its supporters both at home and abroad. Pinochet's strength lies not so much in his, or his government's, political ability or strategy, as in the weakness and division of the opponents of the regime.
As the crisis deepens, social unrest grows, and supporters of the regime abandon the ship before it sinks, the variegated spectrum of political
Popular demonstration in Chile in 1984 (DR)
organizations jockey to put forward their propuestas (proposals).
Thus, in the first two weeks of August, most of the tolerated political parties made sure that their propuestas went public. The Democratic Independent Union for example - the most recent formation of all, led by ultra-rightist and former staunch supporter of the dictatorship, Jaime Guzman - advanced 24 points for "action on the economic, political, cultural and social fields in order to help overcome the difficult present moment". The Christian Left gave the press the text of "Political bases toward the formulation of a common proposal for transition". The Demo. cratic Alliance - a coalition of rightcentre political parties organized around Christian Democracy - put forward the proposal of a plebiscite in order to define a "true transition to democracy"
Following from this the rest of the political parties have contributed their own proposals or clarified their position vis-a-vis those that have already been made public. Eduardo Loyola is a spokesperson of the Partido Socialista-Almeyda, one of the public factions that have split from the Socialist Party. Loyola disassociated his party and the Popular Democratic Movement (MDP, a coalition around the Communist Party which includes the MIR, the Movement of the Revolutionary Left) from statements made by Andres Pascal Allende, general secretary of MDP, about the need for an armed popular rising as the only way to overthrow the dictatorship. At the same time Loyola made appeals to the "leaders of political parties representing all sectors of society" to reach a broad agreement to "end with the dictatorship once and for all". (4) Devoid of rhetoric, Loyola's statement concretely means agreement to negotiate with the military, but they must push Pinochet aside first.
Luis Corvalan, general secretary of the Chilean Communist Party (PCC), advances their propuesta as follows: "Our party is ready to sit around the table with the rest of the opposition parties till white smoke comes up, till a propuesta comes up" " He added that, like the other opposition parties, they were in favour of a dialogue with the armed forces and that this was an important point of coincidence with them. Summing up his governmental formula, Corvalan says that what is important is that there is a government of transition. "We make no question of being part of such a government... [but it] would be a consensus government." (5)
Corvalan's position has been consistent. In issue number 105 of the African Communist (second quarter 1986), he wrote that should a clearly bourgeois-oriented democracy replace the dictatorship, although a goverment of this type "will be "will be unable to lead the country out of the crisis, let alone meet the urgent need of the masses" the PCC will support such an administration provided it did not go against the people. In the same article he further explains that it "would not be impossible to reach agreement with the amed forces on condition that the tyrant be removed."
It would appear, therefore, that the lack of unity of the opposition parties is precluding the formation of a broad-based coalition to present a serious challenge to Pinochet.
"Christian Democracy will have neither agreements nor political alliances of any sort with the Communist Party or the MIR" - this was the emphatic declaration of Arturo Frei to La Tercera newspaper on August 17. Arturo Frei is a leading light within Christian Democracy, and has quite an influence, being the nephew of deceased ex-President Frei.
Arturo Frei puts all the blame for the inexistence of an agreement to bring about a peaceful transition to democracy on Pinochet, who, he argues, has systematically rejected such a course with the civilians. To Frei's mind the main problem Chile is facing at the moment is the deepening social polarization and the steady course towards confrontation. Thus, his recipe for the transition is as follows: "We, the politicians, have the responsibility not to develop thoroughgoing or excessively ideological [political] programmes." Marx was right - history does repeat itself, once ...
To the political crisis in Chile must be added the economic dimension of the problems facing the regime. The debt hangs around the neck of the economy like a dead weight. Loans in Chile were essentially used to support an overvalued exchange rate and a rapid increase in imported manufactures. Concretely, this meant
4. "APSI' No. 186, August 1986.
5. Ibid.
International Viewpoint 29 September 1986
a sheer squandering of economic resources that led to the destruction of a large section of the country's manufacturing capacity. All went reasonably well until 1982 when the flow of bank loans dried up. This had a devastating effect on important sections of small industry and the petit-bourgeoisie, let alone on the poor.
For example, the truck owners' union (notorious for its role in aiding the 1973 coup d'etat) is at present split three ways on how best to face the crisis of indebtedness affecting thousands of its members. Many blame the situation on the economic policies of the government. Alberto Quinteros, the leader of one of the currents, put it bluntly: "Our members have had their trucks confiscated or auctioned and many have committed suicide in desperation". . (6) Another of the currents has joined the newly-formed Christian joined the newly-formed Christian Democratic-dominated Civic Assembly.
The Civic Assembly is the latest of the organizations set up by the Christian Democrats designed, unsuccessfully so far, to outflank the left in the terrain of mass mobilizations. In fact, it is their consistent failure in this regard that most worries the ruling class, the seasoned politicians, and particularly American imperialism. They all realise that so long as some degree of economic and political reform is not introduced to defuse social unrest, the social base of the regime and that of the traditional parties will just increasingly wither away, to the benefit of the left as a whole.
It is the growing radicalization, the self-activity and self-organization of shanty-town dwellers, secondary and university students, women, trade unions and youth which, despite some ups and downs, has certainly been strengthened. This is having a dramatic effect on the overall relation of forces to the detriment of the ruling class.
Pinochet's stubborn clinging to strictly authoritarian methods, and his desire to have a legalized life tenancy has become a liability to the ruling class as a whole. But their fear of the social and political process that may be unleashed leads them to capitulate to Pinochet at every important juncture, paralyzing them.
On the other hand, the masses' lack of an adequte leadership and the bankruptcy of the existing one prolongs the crisis and furnishes the government and the political organizations of the ruling class with a lease of life that the social and political dynamics of the situation do not warrant.
6. El Mercurio, September 17, 1986. 10