ITALY PCI sinks deeper into reformist mire THE DEFEAT it suffered in the May 12, 1985, elections provoked a debate in the Italian Communist Party (PCI) that in its duration, breadth, and the scope of the differences that have been expressed has exceeded the one that took place in 1956 following the denunciation of Stalin's crimes at the Twentieth Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. (1)
The debate was opened by the Central Committee immediately after the elections and continued in two subsequent CC plenums in July and December, and on the occasion of the festival organized for the party paper, /'Unita (in September). It has been totally public.
The daily and weekly press of the party has published discussion columns and long accounts of the CC plenums. The bourgeois press - from la Repubblica to Corriere della sera - has also chimed in, opening its columns to statements, interviews, and articles by various Communist Party leaders, as well as to commentary by leaders of other parties and well-known intellectuals. (2) LIVIO MAITAN
Coming to the left, Ingrao has focused in particular on criteism of the Socialist Party, whose hostility to the peace movement indicates the extent to which it is a "captive of the American imperial logic." In particular, for that reason it was "subordinate to the moderate forces." (Ingrao has not forgotten that the PCI itself is responsible for the demobilization of the antiwar movement.)
Criticism of the PSI was also the central axis of a letter from the plant cell at Piaggio (Pontedera), which was also very harsh toward the trade-union leaderships. "If we want to offer an alternative to this power system, it should be clear that in many cases and many situations we have also to offer an alternative to the PSI, which is integrated into this system." (l' Unita, August 7).
Another representative of the left, Cossutta, has been more active than Ingrao in attempting to stand out as the main adversary of the majority's programmatic dance of the seven veils. For example, at the July CC, in response to "those comrades who explicitly center the debate on the question of whether we should give up any hypothesis of a struggle for a 'way out of capitalism," he denied that "the contradictions of capitalism have ceased to play a decisive role in social and economic life." Thus, it is not possible to give up the struggle to supercede capitalism in Italy and in the West more generally. Gradualist line
Cossutta came back to this idea in an article that appeared a month later in l' Unita of August 2: "Nothing has become more outmoded than trying to improve society by accepting a role of manipulating the rules of the capitalist game. This is a deja vu that has failed.'
1. On this subject, see my article "Election defeat sharpens internal conflict in Communist Party. International Viewpoint, No. 80, July 15, 1985.
At the T'Unita' festival, which lasted more than two weeks and was attended by hundreds of thousands of people, Italian Socialist Party leaders and those of other government parties (including ministers) were invited, along with trade-union leaders and leaders of the employers organizations, and managers of state enterprises. Foreign political figures and intellectuals also spoke. Among other things, there was a debate between the American Democrat, MacGovern and spokesperson of the Soviet bureaucracy, Kovalski (an advisor of the Central Committee of the CPSU on international politics).
3. The term "fuoriuscita" is used widely in the PCI. It means literally "coming out." This sort of terminology has been introduced to express the gradualist conceptions. International Viewpoint 10 February 1986
LIVIO MAITAN
To start with, let me sum up the main lines of the debate since July. The right wing has sought to gain a clearer profile on the theme of a general solution. Luciano Lama, the main leader of the Confederazione Generale del Lavoro (CGIL, the Italian General Confederation of Labour) has emerged as the leading figure. On May 25, he had already given la Repubblica an interview that created a stir among the party members who do not like to see their leaders using the bourgeois press to express particular points of view.
Lama said, among other things, that the PCI should henceforward orient itself toward a struggle to improve the present social system, and drop any abstract conceptual exercises about a "fuoriuscita" ("way out") of capitalism. (3) On July 19, he was back on the attack in the party daily. He sang the praises of the German social democracy, adding "I think that most Italian Communists, if they were in Germany, would be in the SPD."
On October 4, in an interview in Corriere della sera, Lama reiterated that there was "no sense, no meaning,' in talking about "a way out" of capitalism. "I am established in this
" he said, "and there are values society, 6 of this system that I do not want to lose - freedom, democracy, my rights as a person." The average sentiment of an average bourgeois democrat could not have been expressed more faithfully.
Another spokesperson of the right, Guido Fanti, presently vice president of the European parliament, who expresses the concerns of the local elected officials, rejected the criticisms of the left municipal governments that were raised in the July CC. According to him, the reason for the electoral setbacks was that the party had not been able to outline "general orientations on the national government level" corresponding to the conceptions and practices that have become established in the municipalities, provinces, and regions. In other words, he was saying that the PCI had not carried integration into the institutions all the way. (l' Unita, July 24).
Also in the July 1985 Central Committee, Sergio Segre, another European deputy, took to task those who advanced the idea of a non-aligned Europe (I' Unita, July 25). Italy's membership in NATO and loyalty to the alliance of Western. countries must not in any way be put in question.
Unfortunately, in the same article, he confirmed his agreement with the "gradualist line that marks the history of the party," identifying with the ideas both of Togliatti and Berlinguer. Finally, at the l' Unita festival, he declared that he was not convinced of the correctness of the "pact among producers" (that is, between the workers and bosses), which remains a leitmotiv of the majority's orientation.
For its part, the majority leading group around the national secretary, Natta, while it denies that the party is suffering from an identity crisis (l' Unita, October 8), has, nonetheless, concerned itself with reasserting this identity on three levels. First of all, it has reaffirmed the central role of the working class: "the masses of dependent workers have not ceased to be the protagonists of the struggle for new social relations." (4)
In the second place, the leading group is sharpening the party's present profile. "The PCI is and wants to be a modern democratic reform party and a genuinely socialist force, inseparably linked to the destiny of Italy, to the life and destiny of the European left, to all the forces of liberation, emancipation, and progress throughout the world."
The PCI defends the ideas of "liberty, liberation, justice, equality, and solidarity," as well as "the idea that the relationships of production arising out of capitalist structures do not present the ultimate in human history, or an application of natural laws." (5)
In the third place, it has confirmed the "conception of the alternative" as the party's strategic axis in the medium or even long term.
I will come back to the "alternative" in connection with the debate on the documents for the April 1986 party congress. It should be noted here that in the period I have been talking about, the spokespersons of the "center," conscious of the difficulties they have in explaining their strategy, have taken their stand mainly on this ground.
Unfortunately, most often they have indulged in veritable conceptual and verbal sleight-of-hand tricks. Achille Occhetto, who is the champion in the sport, deserves to be quoted.
In an article that appeared Rinascita (No. 26, July 13, 1985) entitled "New Key Ideas for the European Left," taking as his starting point an essay by the German Social Democrat Peter Glotz, Ochetto came out for a "new appreciation of the market." But, this champion of the slippery phrase specified, this was on condition that "the real question of the age looming over our political options be faced, that is, that of a
International Viewpoint 10 February 1986 collective reconquest of use value, that could go beyond any neo-seigniorial utopia."
I confess that I do not understand quite what he was talking about, but I suspect that I am in good company.
To be sure, the author does his best to give us some hints. He explains a little further on that it is necessary to "surmount the false alternative between statism and neoliberalism" and to "introduce a new liberalism into the great processes of socialization that are underway."
Ochetto concludes: "The solution of the new problems is not at all easy [we suspected as much!], it is not set down in the writings of Marx or those of Keynes either. If we do not want to be defeated by Reagan (and by Friedman), the lessons of Marx and Keynes cannot, as it were, be gotten around." The synthesis that we are offered is of course unbeatable, but the claim that it represents new ideas is another kettle of fish.
In a second article (Rinascita, No. 28, July 27, 1985), our author proclaims that we have to "go beyond the old revolutionism [sic!] and the old reformism
... Even the assertion of the need for a way out of capitalism has to be presented in problematic form."
Here, the nub of the question seems clearer. The leading group of the PCI does not want to declare unequivocally that it is for "going beyond" capitalism, because that would create difficulties for its present political projects and the alliances it wants. But it does not want either to say what, for example, Lama has, for fear of overly watering down the party's image and disappointing those activists and cadres who refuse to believe that fighting the capitalist system is only an outworn fad. Communists or social democrats?
In highlighting the new elements that appeared in the PCI's positions after the establishment of the Jaruzelski regime, I pointed out its decision henceforth to maintain "relations with all the communist parties on the same basis as with any other socialist, revolutionary, and progressive force, without any special links with anybody." (6)
It should be noted now - before an analysis of the theses for the Seventeenth Congress - that the list of partners in the PCI's "new internationalism" has grown longer. It also includes "lay or Christian- and Catholic-inspired democratic forces, the unions, the peace and ecology movements.
The difference between the links that should unite workers' parties, and support to different sorts of progressive movements is further obscured. But this is not the essential thing. The main thing is that in practice and in the current political and programmatic debate, the PCI is not putting all the workers parties on the same level. It is much more interested today in having relations with the social democratic parties than with the communist ones (for example, the French and Portuguese CPs).
In fact, a reading of the PCI's daily and weekly press leaves not the slightest doubt. The essential points of reference are the German (SPD) and Swedish social democratic parties. To the former, Rinascita devotes, for example, an article by its specialist, Mario Telo, who represents the SPD's new program is an altogether favorable light (we have already seen, more over, that the PCI refers constantly to the theses of the SPD leader Peter Gotz).
This new SPD program is supposed to be characterized mainly by the idea of "a social alliance for jobs financed above all by sacrifice in a spirit of solidarity" and by a broadening of the "great social pact," including not only the "three traditional sectors" (the SPD, the unions, and the bosses) but also the central bank the concept of Globalsteuerung, or overall direction, the author explains).
There is, nonetheless, a difficulty: "The private industries do not argue either with the priority goal [jobs], nor its sources of financing, nor its forms of realization." This is a small detail, whose cause Telo seems unaware of. Despite all the "new features," the German economy, like any capitalist economy, is still governed by profit, and everything else is only the trimmings, as such "social allies" as the bosses and the banks see it.
As regards the Swedish Social Democracy, the PCI press has waxed enthusiastic over its latest electoral exploits. In its September 14, 1985, issue, Unita devoted a whole page
Natta rejects the characterization of the leadership as a "center," both on his own behalf and that of his predecessors:
"On the level of historical political analysis," Natta writes, "it is purely arbitrary to define Togliatti's line, then Longo's, and finally Berlinguer's, as if what an inaccurate jargon terms their 'centrism,' and what we correctly define as a constant struggle against extremism and opportunism was in substance a sort of static equilibrium, an absolute of resolute choices." (''Unita, October 8)
See Natta's report to the July 1985 CC. ('l' Unita, July 23, 1985)
6. See the December 30, 1981 declaration of the PCI leadership cited in my article, "Les rapports du PCI avec l'Union sovietique, " in 'Inprecor' (IV's Frenchlanguage sister publication), No. 121, March 22, 1982.
to Sweden. Moreover, it entitled the editorial in its September 17 issue, on the Swedish elections "Where they have not lowered their heads."
The September 28 Rinascita published an article entitled "The Swedish Example," in which Mario Telo rejected the idea of "Swedish exceptionalism," posing the question whether "the process of renewal that paved the way for Palme's return to power after only six years in opposition did not indicate and prefigure a possible new phase of growth for the European trade-union and socialist movement."
The only racy maintains a strategy," while "the SPD is more clearly European." Telo does not seem to wonder whether this might have something to do with the different orientations of the two bourgeoisies. (7)
As we have seen, Natta characterizes the PCI as a "reform" party. More generally, the leading group continues to avoid the words "reformist" and "reformism." Likewise, in the recent debates, some of the party's representatives have explained that the difference between classic Social Democracy and the PCI lies in the fact that in the last analysis the Social Democrats have only fought to modify the distribution of income, while the PCI wants to introduce structural reforms.
However, such a reduction of the Social Democratic policy - which is only tactical camouflage, if not a self-delusion — is now being openly challenged.
For his part, Rosario Villari, a member of the Central Committee, has stressed the need for the party to take all the consequnces of accepting "political democracy" as a "universal value," that is, to specify explicitly and without any reservations that the party's approach to "the socialist transformation of society" can only be "reformist" and "gradual" (l'Unita, October 10).
The same Villari explained to the December CC that instead of "proclaiming" ideal perspectives for definitive solutions and working out abstract projects, it was necessary "to appreciate the conquests, the reforms that the workers' movement has achieved in its history." (l'Unita, December 9).
The historian Giuliano Procacci, a member of the Central Control Commission, was still more explicit in his rehabilitation of the reformists. "The reformists," he wrote, "represented the most constructive, the most capable, and even the most effectively militant component of the 8
Italian workers movement." (Corriere the alternative as an "alternative della Sera, July 16, 1985). to the Christian Democracy" were
The theses that the Central Com- rejected. Apparently, the historic mittee adopted at the beginning of compromise has still not been buried. December reflect only partially the Opposing positions were expressed whole set of problems raised in the once again on the question of the use debates that have gone on for more of nuclear energy. The majority than six months. In fact, the theses endorsed the line already adopted contain no major new element. They previously calling for "limited and only reformulate - most often in controlled" use. (9) terms used already in recent years and Finally, the majority rejected an even at the 1983 congress - the amendment calling for the party to party's reformist strategic line, its establish even "formal" relations approach to international problems, with the Socialist International, and and its conception of democratic an amendment calling for replacing centralism. The programmatic docu- the formula "democratic centralism"
adopted at the same time, - which a part of the right would reiterates, with minor variations, the like to drop - by "the method of specific axes and objectives of other democratic unity." documents of the same character. (8) In reality, the debate on the amend-
Rather than analyze the ments was a new round in the condocuments as such, it is more inter- frontation between various esting to look at the debate on the or sensibilities in the party. amendments, of which the party The right - some of whose spokesdaily gave a very detailed account. 'persons abstained on the final vote
First of all, the majority rejected (10) - had little to say about interput by Cossutta national questions. This was for the which said simply: "The Communists good reason that it thinks it has gotten are working for an advance. beyond its way on the most important points capitalism." The document was left (the attitude the United formulated as follows: "Looking at States and the USSR, the question of the question from the standpoint NATO, and the fight against disarmaof developed countries, the Italian Communists see the advance beyond On the other hand, the right made capitalism not as the result of great it clear that it was not very happy traumatic breaks, as has happened in about the domestic perspectives, that the past (in fact, those came in the is, the alternative and the "programwake of two world wars in Russia and matic government." In fact, it was in China) but through a complex inter- this arena that the center was able to play its mediating role, imposing one mode of production and way of formulas that everyone could interlife can prevail over another."
pret as they please or to suit their
The most Social needs. Democrats in the heyday of reformism
The left - which abstained also would have every right to complain
(in 1983, Cossutta voted against) -about such plagiarism!
had three components. The ex PDUP
Secondly, while the document of [Party of Proletarian Unity, a Centrist the previous congress, although with current that returned to the PCI reservations, put the main blame for some years ago] component disthe stepped-up arms race on American tinguished itself by putting amendimperialism, all the amendments going ments on international questions on in this direction that were proposed
(Castellina) and an amendment on at the December CC were rejected. the programmatic government (Magri), Also rejected was an amendment calling for "unilateral disarmament actions and arms limitations," as 7 As I said already in my article well as an amendment by Cossutta in IV, No. 80. July 15. 1985, the PCI that indicated, in very vague terms, leaders are visibly bothered by the balance sheet of the Socialist governments in France under what conditions Italy could and Spain, whose strategy is not remain in NATO. Fieschi and Castel- qualitatively different from theirs. They lina, who also drew up amendments, are taking more and more hardly ever talk about Spain, distance from and they rightly accused the majority of defend- France. They consider, notably, that the ing positions "more backward" than policy of nationalizations is outmoded, and that the left has not made the necesthose of some European social demo- sary efforts to get the active support of the cratic parties. masses. They intimate that instead of
On the theme of the democratic governing with a 52% majority, it would have been preferable to envisage broader alternative," of which numerous accords. On this subject, see answer interpretations appeared for example by Gilles Martinet in No. 46.
December 7. in the May CC, the debate has again 8. This is a program that should be been rather sharp, without this how- carried out by an alternative government. Eighty-nine CC members voted ever resulting in any clarity. for, 22 against, and 33 abstained.
It is significant, in any case, that tions on the 10. In total, theses and eight on the pro. there were 12 abstenall the proposals designed to present grammatic document. No one voted against.
International Viewpoint 10 February 1986
which went in the same direction as the one presented by Ingrao on the same subject.
Cossutta and Cappelloni continued a battle that has been going on for five years now, advocating a less critical attitude toward the USSR. They argued that this was justified now on the basis of Gorbachov's new course. Along with this, they criticized the trade-union leaderships and demanded more rights for minorities within the party.
Ingrao also criticized the trade-union bureaucracy to a limited extent, mainly for its not very democratic practices. And he supported Castellina's amendments on the international questions. He fought above all on an amendment concerning the "programmatic government," which according to him should be a "government to change the constitution," because the "crucial question" today is "a reform of the state," and the end of the five-party government (11) "could give rise to a traumatic transition." The least that can be said is that the adoption of such an amendment would not have changed the party's orientation very much.
What is more, none of the components of the lett presented amendments on the most important theses, such as the Sixteenth on "new internationalism," the Seventeenth, on the characterization of Italian society, the Twenty-First, on perspectives, and the Twenty-Sixth, on social alliances (calling for an "alliance for work and development" including the "forces of the industrial bourgeoisie that have an interest in fighting against imbalances and backwardness.") This confirms that the sort of left that exists in the PCI does not constitute an alternative to the leading group, whose fundamental orientations it does not challenge.
In conclusion, I repeat, the documents for the Seventeenth Congress offer nothing new of substance with respect to the party's previous orientations and with respect to what was put forward in the debate before last year's elections. The most daring "innovators" will be, at least partially, disappointed. Nonetheless, from the changes and rectifications that I have indicated, it emerges that the conceptions of the leading group are less and less demarcated from those of the Social Democrats.
The PCI is continuing its long march into the institutions of bourgeois society, and the party is more and more the prisoner of the mechanisms of this society.
11. The five parties are the Christian Democratic Party, the Socialist Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Republican Party, and the Liberal Party.
International Viewpoint 10 February 1986
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