Polish example
Anna LIBERA
A little more than three years ago, the Czechoslovak authorities arrested fifteen members of the Committee to Defend the People Unjustly Persecuted (VONS). Six of these were sentenced to social demagogy, imprudent demands, wildcat strikes, the fight for indepen dent unions. The parallel with Poland was clear, and the editors concluded, moreover, that these lessons were not restricted to Czechoslovakia: "The international Communist and workers move-
The Czechoslovak CP leaders have never resorted to the prudent language that the Polish leaders have been forced to adopt. A few weeks before General Jaruzelski's crackdown, in a discussion over Radio Prague, a party ideologist denounced any perspective of "national uniprison terms in October 1979. Vaclav Havel and Petr Uhl are still serving their sentences in extremely difficult condiideologist of the Czechoslovak CP, noted, ly launch a process of normalization) and These arrests marked the beginning of a police offensive clearly designed to silence every expression of oppositionunderground publications, Charter 77 statements, or the activity of VONS.
This repression, which has not relaxed in three years, as well as the quickness that the Czechoslovak leaders have shown since the beginning to denounce what they call the "Polish counterrevolution," appear in a new light if they are looked at in connection with the worsening of the country's economic situation.
With a zero growth rate, 1981 was the second worst year in the history of the Czechoslovak economy since the emergence of the People's Republic. It was exceeded only by 1968, during which an absolute decline in industrial production (-2.2% ) promoted the big debate on economic reform that was to pave the way for the Prague Spring. The parallel stops there, and this crisis is in no way comparable to the one in Poland or in Rumania. But the economic situation is serious enough to absorb the attention and the efforts of all the leading cricles in Prague.
### POLAND IS CLOSEBY
The reactions of the Czechoslovak leaders to the events in Poland have been swift and drastic. Already on September 4, 1980, the editors of the Czechoslovak CP organ Rude Pravo fulminated about imperialist plots and local reactionaries in the sister country across their northern border. On this occasion, they reminded their readers of the "Lessons of the Development of the Crisis in the Party and Society After the Thirteenth Congress of the Party in 1971," that is, the lessons drawn by the normalized Czechoslovak Communists.
The "Lessons" focused in particular on the forms under which the counterrevolution concealed itself in ment has added them to the reservoir of revolutionary experience (1)."
A few days later, Vasil Bilak, the referring to Poland, the doctrine of "limited sovereignty" of the countries in the "Socialist Camp," (2), a doctrine which cost the Czechoslovak workers dear, but was the basis on which Bilak and his like were put in power.
TCHECOSLOVAQUIE
(DR)
In a speech to the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak CP in October 1980, Bilak expounded this doctrine once again in detail. Basing himself on the criteria laid out in the "Lessons," he characterized the Baltic strikes as "counterrevolutionary." After expressing his hope that the Polish Communists would be capable of regaining their footing, he concluded: "We do not hide the fact that what is going on in Poland concerns us deeply-politically, ideologically, and economically.
"The Czechoslovak Communists and our people are for progress. The cause of socialism is dearer to them than anything else. This is particularly true when a socialist country is involved. Our Polish comrades can always count on the aid of our party and our people (3)."
ty" with Solidarnosc, and put forward "his own" solution-a deepgoing purge of the Polish CP (which after that could realtotal confidence in the army, whose organ was one of the only remaining unbreached bastions of "Marxism-Leninism."
A CAMPAIGN WITH TWO TARGETS The Czechoslovak leaders obviously fear that an advance of the class struggles of the Polish working class would revive old demons in their own country. Even if for the time being, the strikes developing on the other side of the border did not touch off an open movement of sympathy among the Czechoslovak workers, the discontent aroused by the economic difficulties worried the Czechoslovak CP leaders, who were preparing to impose a rigorous austerity policy.
This worry came to a head when the economic results for 1981 were announced. The growth rate was 0.2 percent, in contrast to the 2.7 percent projected by the annual plan. Industrial production grew by 2 percent relative to 1980, but this was 25 percent lower than the initial projections of the plan, and 15 percent lower than the revised projections made during the year.
In mining and construction, growth rates were negative-respectively -2.4 percent and -2 percent. The worst result was in agriculture (-3.4 percent relative to 1980, but relative to the targets set by the plan in 1981, the result was -230 percent).
The signs pointing to economic difficulties had been visible for several years but the Czechoslovak leaders proved unable to respond. At the start of 1980 already, they were obliged to admit that many of the projections in the Sixth Five Year Plan (1976-80) would not be achieved, in particular in the realm of energy and construction.
1. Rude Pravo, September 4, 1980. Rude Pravo, September 13, 1980. Rude Pravo. October 14, 1980. 23
Paris demonstration in support of Czech political prisoners (DR)
At that time, the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak CP, followed by the government, adopted a series of "new measures to improve economic management." These called for strengthening centralized planning, changing the attitudes of plant managers and workers, more autonomy for the enterprises in the framework laid down by the plan, and better utilization of resources (raw materials, energy, labor, and investment) (4).
These very timid steps remained in large part on paper, since the very word "reform" makes the present Czechoslovak leaders freeze in their tracks. most of all, these steps did not in any way get to the sources of the economic
The root of the problem above all was the option made in 1970 for an investment policy stretched out over too long a period. Thus, enormous amounts of capital and resources were locked up in uncompleted projects. And the planners were unable to readjust their projections in time, when alarm signals began to apand petroleum prices went up. In a document on the economic situation published in March 1982, Charter 77 gave a series of significant examples, based on the official statistics given to the members of the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak CP.
In western Slovakia, out of nine key projects scheduled for completion during the 1976-80 plan, only one was actually finished in 1980. Bohemia, out of 140 building projects included in the plan, only 8 met their schedules. In 1980, there were no less than 119 projects on which no work had been
Therefore, for the entire post-1968 period, if you consider all sectors of the economy, the volume of capital locked up in unfinished projects exceeded the 24 volume of additional national revenue created annually.
This situation has been further aggravated by a series of errors and wrong choices by the planners. pushed the development of steel production at the very time when this industry was dropping steeply. On the other hand, the electronics industry was largely neglected. Here we see one of the effects of the choices imposed by the pressures of factions of the bureaucracy. Moreover, the waste of raw materials has weighed heavily on the economic results. Thus, for the period of the 197680 plan, waste of metals cost 10 billion crowns (about US dollars 900 million at the official exchange rate). With this amount 460,000 Skoda cars could have been produced, or 120,000 apartments built (this is still according to the figures reproduced in the Charter 77 document).
The nonfulfillment of the plan's targets in all sectors, in particular in the engineering industry, the main exporting sector (6) gave rise to a shortage of convertible currency that in turn made it more difficult to import the raw materials needed to complete the projects under-
This problem is made worse by the fact that the Czechoslovak leaders are trying to avoid increasing Western banks (these remain at the relatively low figures of 3.8 billion dollars).
Within the framework of COMECON, import restrictions have been decided The same goes for imports from capitalist countries. These restrictions apply, for example, to petroleum and to livestock feeds, even if this endangers the growth of the herds.
In these conditions, the Czechoslovak CP leaders cannot try to stimulate one sector without automatically affecting investment in another. So, in an effort to make economies, they have adopted a recovery plan that amounts to a rigorous austerity program for the workers. It provides for severe cuts in investment in the social services, which are considered unprofitable.
In the health sector, investment has been reduced by 10%, and have been made in education and culture. Savings are projected in the public trans port sector. And apartment rents, as well as the cost of heating and electricity, are to be raised.
In October 1981, the price of gasoline, diesel fuel, and heating oil were also increased. In January 1982, there were increases in the price of meat, meat profowl, game, fish, rice, rice, alcohol, wine, and similar products.
Even though people continue to have more money than goods to spend it on, given the scarcity of goods, real wages have declined over the past two years and this is getting worse. For the first time since 1968-69, the regime can no longer guarantee rising living standards or even the elimination of democratic rights and freedoms was material well being.
### REPRESSION REMAINS
THE FAVORITE WEAPON Confronted with this economic balance sheet, the Czechoslovak CP leaders
March 14, 1980 See also Cahiers des pays de l'Est, Paris, May 1981.
5. Charter 77, "Informations et ques tions sur certains problemes economiques relatifs a l'augmentation des prix des produits alimentaires de base," March 1982, 'Alternative, Paris, May-August 1982.
In 1981, exports to the COMECON countries increased by 0.7% as against the 4.3% projected Exports to other countries increased by 0.8% as against the 4.5% projected.
ter they had drawn up a message of soli- by the growing influence of the church
He can only receive mail from his wife or parents-in-law. (His were sentenced in the same trial.
to seven other prisoners.
Parcels: He can not have books. He is allowed only two make contact with other prisoners.
photographs of his wife and children, which can be changed
They receive four visits per year, and can have a parcel at each
Twice a year he can receive one four-pound parcel, plus visit. But, most importantly, they can see each other.
are striving at all cost to prevent a political destabilization. They are acutely aware of the growing discontent of the population, which is especially critical of the pay-off artists and the various speculators who are profiting from the scarci-
Between the Fifteenth teenth Congresses of the Party, 47,515 letters and complaints about such abuses were made public (7). In the party itself and in the trade-union movement, more more voices are being raised against incompetence of the leaders (8). Of course, the Czechoslovak CP leaders orchestrate their speeches about this in a demogogic way, talking about "improving the functioning of socialist democracy on all levels" and criticizing" those who abuse their positions to gain personal advantages." There has even been an article by Alois Indra saying that the Czechoslovak CP leadership "lost contact with the masses, " and that the party itself was not in
At a recent congress of the trade unions, the Czechoslovak CP leaders appealed to the leaders of the Revolutionary Trade Union movement to devote themselves more to defending the workers interests. In the light of the economic difficulties, it is easy to understand why declarations are being made at a time when the leadership is appealing to masses to make "greater efforts."
for safety's sake, the bureaucracy relies first and foremost on suppressing every voice of opposition that might strike a cord in the latent
The eighteen months that gone by since the Polish been marked by an unbroken string of arrests, jailings, and daily threats and harressments against oppositionists. authorities have been stepping up 48-hour detentions as well as trials.
On September 6, 1980, thirty signers of Charter 77 were arrested right afdarity with the Baltic strikers. They were released after the expiration of the legal limit of detention. month, twelve other persons were arrested when they were going to a meeting of the VONS. Since then the authorities have kept the Chartists under constant surveillance, increased the physical attacks on them by "unknown persons," and systematically applied harsh techniques in interrogating them.
The objective is twofold to prevent any possibility for meetings and to break the resistance of the oppositionists one by one. The authorities also launched a full-scale offensive the underground publishing carried out Press). In February, they seized a lot of manuscripts in the home of the writer Luewik Vaculik, one of the main movers in the underground publishing. They also staged raids against a number of the people who typed the manuscripts and seized
In May 1981, in connection with the arrest of two young French people who were transporting books to Czechoslovakia, the authorities arrested and
Czechoslovaks "ideological conspiracy." Ten were immediately jailed. Among those charged were some of those most prominent in the intellectual debates of the 1960s (10). These people are still awaiting trial. keeps being postponed because of the lack of evidence against them.
Another significant event was the recent search of the home of Jaroslav Sabata. The authorities siezed only one thing all the notes that he had been ac cumulating for a year to write a book on
There has also been a particular increase in repression against Catholies, to an extent not seen since the 1950s. This is certainly one of the effects of Poland. But it seems also that the Czechoslovak authorities are seriously worried among the youth.
Karel Hruza, head of the government's Secretariat on Church Affairs did not conceal his concern in an interview with the New York Times at seeing the youth turn toward the church "in search of a new aim in life." thorities' first reaction is to repress. On September 28, 1981, in Olomouc, six Catholics (two priests and four lay people) were sentenced to two years in prison for circulating such "subversive" religious publications as the Catechism and
John Paul Il's latest encylical. Facing this systematic persecution growing difficulties in their daily lives, the oppositionists remain unyield-
The long document on the economic situation just published by Charter 77 shows how much they are trying to focus their attention on the problems of the workers. Previously, Charter 77 had centered its activity essentially on the defense of democratic rights.
This indicates that currents in the opposition are also drawing the lessons of Poland and are stressing the need to make a linkup with the concerns of the work-
Another indication of this was the announcement about a year ago of the formation of a Committee for Free Trade Unions.
In this difficult struggle, the Czechoslovak oppositionists need all help. At a time when the Polish workers are defying the state of siege to reassert their rights, it is essential to include support for the Czechoslovak op positions in all solidarity actions.
Courrier des pays de l'Est, Paris, Miroslav Kusy, Simecka, Jiri Hajel, Ivan Havel, Josef Jablonicky. Karel Holomek, Zdenek Jicinsky, and Mojmir Klansky.
Petr Uhl-political prisoner
Petr Uhl has been in prison since his arrest in May 1979. two pounds of fruit or vegetables or vitamins. He can get all the He has been sentenced to five years under the toughest regula-
This imprisonment follows an earlier imprisonment of For eighteen months he was not allowed to receive anyfour years from December 1969 to December 1973. This was a punishment for having, as chief of his cell (an
Peter Uhl is married to Anna Sabatova who herself was appointment by the authorities), allowed a fellow prisoner to lie imprisoned for two years. She is now bringing up their two chil- down during the day, which is forbidden. dren alone; Sacha born in March 1977, and Pavel born in Sep- Money: He earns approximately 2000 crowns of which he tember 1975. Anna's father Jaroslav Sabata has served a seven- can spend only seven per cent. This is spent on the newspaper and-a-half year sentence. "Rude Pravo" and on food in the canteen; the choice is very li-
The conditions of Petr Uhl's imprisonment are: mited. He does a very unhealthy and totally uninteresting job. He is allowed two hours per year, that is one hour He is allowed to read only books from the During the visit two guards are present and Other prisoners are usually allowed to study or At the last visit, in May 1982, his wife was told she read books in foreign languages. was not allowed to kiss him. do this and to keep up his French and German.
He can send a four-page letter every fortnight. He is totally cut off from his comrades who parents are dead.) twice a year if the prison authorities permit.
soap he wants!
He was refused permission to
He shares his cell with four
In the daily walk he is not allowed to are not quite so badly treated.
25
New success for PRT in Mexico
The election campaign of the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT-Mexican section of the Fourth International) had new successes in April. During this stage of the campaign all the states on the Atlantic coast, from Tamulipas on the American border to Yucatan and Quintana Roo on the border with campaign took place in a region where the PRT's work has begun just recently. However, from the point of view of both the number of people attending the rallies, and those activists who have asked to join the PRT, the results were very plea santly surprising.
Two rallies were organised in the state of Tamaulipas-in the border city of Matamoros and in Ciudad Victoria. Some 600 people attended the first, and around 500 the one in Cuidad Victoria, despite a torrential downpour. On the basis of the organising work for these rallies the PRT has developed important political work in the poor neighbourhoods, and in the state peasant organisations. In addition, a PRT regional committee was established in the
The campaign had its greatest sucnised in six different cities in a period of
In Jalapa some 500 companeros attended a rally, and fifteen activists, former members of the Communist Party, formed a sympathizers group. In the petroleum centre Poza Rica, a small town of 50,000 people, some 2,000 attended the campaign rally. there was only one PRT comrade there, but after the rally 25 others, mainly oil?
refinery workers, asked to thousand people attended the rally in Orizaba, less than half the size of Jalapa. At this rally a Catholic priest from a working-class neighbourhood, who spoke in support of Rosario Ibarra de Piedra's candidacy, had to remove his cassock not to contravene the Mexican law which forbids priests to engage in partisan political
Palamarillo is a small peasant community with a long tradition of struggle, where the PRT plays a leading role. ing the rally here over 25 agrarian communities and more than 10 trade unions formed the Worker-Peasant Alliance of Veracruz. This is an important step forward in the process of centralizing the movement and is just one example of how the PRT is carrying out its committhrough its election campaign.
The PRT made further growth in Minatitlan and in Coatzoacolas, where some fifty and thirty companeros respec-
In the state of Tabasco, where previously there was not a single PRT member, 600 people attended the-meeting. A Tabasco regional committee of the PRT has been formed with some 25 activists.
This leg of the campaign was ended with a rally of 400 in Yucatan, and finally a rally of 100 fishermen was held in Isla Mujeres Quintana Roo. Here Rosario was received by the companeros in their
To close this phase of the campaign the PRT, together with Naucopac, an organisation of the poor neighbourhood residents of Naucalpan, decided to participate in the official trade-union demonstration for May 1. This participation challenged one aspect of the character of the demonstration-support for President Lopez Portillo, and the PRI govern-
During the demonstration more and more trade unions showed their discontent with the government and the PRI. The metro workers from Mexico City the way, allowing the PRTNaucopac contingent into the March, shouting slogans of workers unity. As a result, the PRT-Naucopac contingent of over 3,000 spent almost five minutes under the Presidential balcony shouting anti-government, The PRT was the only left organisation in the demonstration, in which the bulk of the working class took part.
This is the way in which our campaign is advancing and the process of party-building going forward. mention should be made of the comrades who organise the rallies and undertake the agitational activity of the campaign. This mobile brigade of twenty full-time breadth of the country both preparing the rallies and consolidating the PRT's new contacts has done an excellent job whose effects will be long-lasting. Belgian
Trotskyists
congress
The Ligue Revolutionnaire des Tra(LRT/RAL, Belgian section of the Fourth since its foundation in 1971, at the end
The conference came at the end of the most important strike wave since the general strike of the winter 1960-61, which shook the bourgeois government of Winfried Martens throughout the months of January, February, and March. Thus the conference came at the appropriate time to draw the lessons of this movement and equip the organisation with a coherent political line.
The congress discussed a central political resolution which endeavoured to define the changes taking place within the mass workers movement, social-democratic and Christian, at the trade-union and political level. The discussion mainly concentrated on the political intervention in the period which has just
A wide majority emerged in favour of an orientation which placed at the centre of its strategy the fight for a common front of the social-democratic and Christian trade-union federations, the FTB and CSC, on the basis of anticapitalist demands. the perspective of a general strike and its
La workers government based on the mobilisation of the 2.5 million worker members of the FGTB and CSC.
There were two very small minority currents which put forward the embryos of alternatives. One advocated a priority orientation towards the SP-PS, the other a more propagandist position, giving much greater weight to criticism of the
The majority placed themselves within the framework of the report presented by the outgoing leadership and made a certain number of corrections and improvements to this.
Another resolution, complementing the central political resolution, drew a balance sheet of the trade union work of the LRT/RAL over the last two years, and made an important correction on this
The premise was that there is a trade-union left in Belgium, composed of thousands of workplace delegates, who struggle independently from the trade-union apparatuses, and for whom it is necessary to immediately mark out perspectives for struggle and centralisation. This led the LRT/RAL to prematurely favour inter-trade union and crosssectoral regroupments, on very advanced platforms, but in fact outside the trade union structures. This led to an underestimation of the united front, immediate demands, and the struggle to consolidate trade-union oppositions within the trade
The congress approved a resolution on