New currents in the Polish opposition FOUR YEARS after General Jaruzelski's coup d' etat, the bureaucracy is redoubling its attacks against the working class. Although it has been weakened by the bureaucratic crackdown and faces systematic repression, Solidarnosc has maintained a level of organization that is unprecedented in the states under bureaucratic domination outside of periods of revolutionary upsurge. But this movement is in the grip of a crisis of orientation that is seriously undermining the working class's capacity for struggle.
The failures of Solidarnosc are today giving rise to a polarization within the Polish opposition. Certain currents are, in varying degrees, abandoning the gains of the 1980-81 revolution; others are trying, by good methods or bad, to preserve them. In this context, the emergence of a current, the Workers Opposition, that identifies with the working class, stands for its self-organization, and poses the question of the revolutionary overthrow of the bureaucracy, assumes an importance that cannot be underestimated. In the following article, we consider these various currents in the opposition to Jaruzelski's regime. ARTHUR WILKINS and CYRIL SMUGA today. Without this movement, the workers are condemned to atomization, to impotence, and to passivity. Any notion that it is possible to tur your back on Solidarnose because there is some kind of alternative to it, whether it is a prayer circle or a political party, means deluding yourself and heading down a road that leads to defeat.
Even for those sections of the working class that are in full retreat, which retain only the idea of Solidarnosc, it is the only idea that can congeal into a material force when the time comes. Any form of independent social or political activity that is not designed to, or does not, help to build Solidarnosc cannot be called working-class activity.
This is why the current for workers self-organization and self-management must seek to rebuild and reinforce the independent union in the enterprises, in the cities and regions, in the core of the working class. It is only on this basis that it will be possible to set more ambitious objectives.
It is Solidarnose that embodies the organization, unity, consciousnes, and the struggle of the Polish working class!
"Anyone who does not strike is not going to eat or work any more," that was the slogan launched by Hutnik, Solidarnosc's bulletin in the Lenin steel complex of Nowa Huta. (1) It is a slogan that should be taken up by the Polish social movement as a whole. The underground leaderships of Solidarnose have proved incapable up until today of extending strikes when they have broken out in significant plants.
In order to overcome this incapacity, it is essential to get rid of the idea that prevails in these leaderships that you can call a mobilization of the workers without preparation for abstract or illusory objectives. A good example of this approach is the call for a one-hour general strike last July 1 to show that the "society" wanted an economic reform and to put pressure on the regime to carry it out.
What is needed is to orient toward patiently building a relationship of forces based on the workers' basic demands, and then using the first victories as a lever to set in motion a transitional dynamic. But the orientations of the national and regional leaderships of Solidarnosc remain far from such a line.
For some months in 1985, the Solidarnose leaders devoted themselves more to building the boycott of the "elections" to the Diet than to organizing the fight to defend the material interests of the workers. One might wonder about such a choice of priorities. According to Solidarnosc's estimates, the October 13 elections to the Diet were boycotted by 34% of the citizens. This boycott certainly had a political meaning, because it showed that the "normalization" of the system of bureaucratic rule was far from being achieved. But it did not lead the bureaucracy to change its policy, because it could not. Such a "strategy of pressure" has proved ineffective more than once. And, in particular, it did not advance the selforganization of the masses one step.
The appearance in 1984 and especially in 1985 — in the period leading up to the Diet elections - of a new opposition current represented an important political development. This
'Hutnik' (Nowa Juta), No. 9 1985. 19
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current has sought above all to find an opening for legal activity in the framework of the bureaucratic system of rule. Thus, it is taking up a position on the border line between opposition to the regime and collaboration with it. "Loyal" opposition?
This current is very heterogeneous. It includes both the "neorealists, advocates of a so-called new rationalism, whose most well known figure is Andrzej Celinski, former secretary of the National Commission of Solidarnosc, as well as the nationalist sectors linked to the Young Poland movement, and, finally, the "independent neoconservatives" grouped around the journal Res Publica.
The neorealists consider that Solidarnose has suffered a definitive and irrevocable defeat, that the present system of rule must be regarded as something that is going to last, that it is impossible to change it, and that therefore it is necessary to operate within its framework. In order to get out of the tragic situation in which Poland now finds itself, they think, it is necessary to establish a political accord on the basis of which the conflict between "the society and the regime" could be transformed in the future into collaboration.
If the society agrees that Poland cannot in the foreseeable future become a democratic state, this would make it possible to reach a situation in which the regime would respect the laws, govern the state effectively, and get the economy out of crisis. Along with this, the various social layers could express their interests in such a way as not to challenge the essential interests of the ruling stratum and not to worry the USSR. The neorealists were ready, for the sake of all that, to put up candidates for the Diet, if the regime of General Jaruzelski would agree to include them on the slates.
This "new rationalism" has been rejected unanimously by all the leaders of Solidarnose and of the democratic opposition (i.e., the old KOR). Jan Litynski, who before August 1980 was one of the main forces in the journal Robotnik and is today in the underground leadership of Solidarnose in the Warsaw region, has published a detailed critique of the positions of the neorealists. (2)
From the cell in which he was awaiting trial in Gdansk, Adam Michnik wrote the following about the neorealists: "We do not accuse anyone who disagrees with us of lacking good faith. We assess in a proper and serious way those who decide to 20 accept nomination from the general and to sit in the seats of the parliament. But if we, the people of Solidarnose, are offered a private cage or a separate house in this zoo, we will answer with a calm conviction, 'play the game without us ..' Tomorrow, my trial may begin. Who gets a seat in the Chamber, and who gets a seat in the dock? ... I would rather sit on the defendents' bench with Bogdan Lis and Wladyslaw Frasyniuk than in the Diet with Rakowski and Siwak." (3)
The Young Poland movement was formed in August 1980, and its main base of support was the student youth in Gdansk. It subsequently worked with Solidarnose, and its members could be found in particular among the full-timers in the union apparatus. It presented itself as a national-Catholic organization, harking back in a selective way to Roman Dmowski, the leader of the National Democracy, the very right-wing big bourgeois party that collaborated with the Russian authorities under czarism.
After the proclamation of the state of war, the Young Poland movement gradually withdrew from the activity of the underground Solidarnosc and sought "apolitical" means of legal activity, for example, in the self-managed university institutions.
The following is an analysis of the evolution of the Young Poland Movement and of the current around the journal Res Publica that appeared in Tygodnik Mazowsze, the weekly of Solidarnose in Warsaw:
"Today we are seeing a change in tactics by at least a part of the old leaders of Young Poland. Seeking ways by which they can exert a real influence on the course of political events, they have reached the conclusion - and on this point they identify with Dmowski - that it is necessary to collaborate with the regime. Their critical attitude toward Solidarnosc and the underground activity is only the logical consequence of that. They think that this activity is leading down a blind alley, and that the boycott of the regime organized by Solidarnosc is a political error.
"The group that developed around the independent journal Res Publica, which also dates from before August 1980, has reached the same conclusion, despite different ideological premises, Res Publica harks back to conservative thought, the European tradition in which Christianity stood in the forefront. It was an elitist journal, with pronounced nationalist connotations. The people grouped around Res Publica aspired to produce ideology and, unlike the Young Poland movement, they avoided direct political commitment. But these two groups had a common approach to politics, which they treated as a sort of game for the top echelons.
*This is why these two currents rejected the program of social self-management so as to concentrate on political thought elaborated by an elite. The critical assessment of Solidarnose that was made on this basis before December 1981 naturally brought together the activists of both currents. So, the unofficial news from these circles that a part of them have undertaken negotiations with the government, proposing, among other things, participation in the future Diet, does not come as a surprise." (4)
The leaders of the Young Poland movement and the editors of Res Publica sought to obtain the support of the Catholic hierarchy for their negotiations with the regime. These dealings ended in a fiasco. The representatives of Young Poland did not get on the slates of candidates for the Diet, and Res Publica did not get legal status. The moves of these two groups have been criticized by Tygodnik Mazowsze and Kos, the journal of the Social Resistance Committee, among others. (5) As a result of this fiasco and the danger they ran of being discredited in the eyes of the activists in the social movement, the leaders of the Young Poland Movement and Res Publica felt obliged to publicly disavow the reports about their negotiations with the regime.
The critical attitude of the dominant currents in the Solidarnose leadership and the democratic opposition toward the neo-realists and other potential capitulators to the regime does not, however, mean that the former have themselves abandoned the hope for a "national understanding." The old illusions and the conseious political options that derived from the "strategy of self-limted revolution" are still present in these circles.
However, when the positions of the currents dominant in the Solidarnosc leadership are criticized it cannot be forgotten that these are currents that are fighting, who stand on the right side of the barricades, facing the bureaucratic regime, and that they represent the social movement. But at • the same time it has to be kept in mind that these currents also represent a political line that bears a very heavy
/. Litynski. "Nowy Racionalism czy stare zludzenia ("'New Rationalism or Old Illusions"), 'Kultura' (Paris), No. 9, 1985.
A. Michnik, "Wybory do sejmu PRL" (*The Elections to the Diet), 'Kultura, No. 9, 1985.
Tygodnik Mazowsze, (Warsaw), No. 124, 1985. Tygodnik Mazowze 14 and 75.
5. 1985; 'Kos' (Warsaw); Nos. 1985. International Viewpoint 23 December 1985
responsibility for the present crisis of the social movement.
Michnik writes that Solidarnosc
"is building a pluralist society in a totalitarian to impose essence of recognition state and thereby seeking an understanding, the which is institutional of this pluralism." Stressing that the social movement is not trying to overthrow the present regime through struggle, he says:
"You cannot exclude it if you are realistic, that even such a demand [for ousting the regime] could be formulated by the nation in another situation. The Communists have no divine right to rule Poland until the end of the world. Today, however, such a demand would mean a confrontation with the military power of the Big Brother." (6)
As was the case several times in the past, Jacek Kuron expressed an original political position. Before the "elections" to the Diet, he wrote that the "silent majority" of Polish society, which he estimates at 50%, today supports neither the regime nor the underground Solidarnose. The supporters of the latter he said
Identity check by armed police during an unofficial ceremony to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Warsaw ghetto uprising (DR)
"come mainly from the proletariat in big industry and the intellectuals (and it is no accident if the best sections of Solidarnose are based in the big industrial enterprises and the research institutes). "
Kuron stated: "The crisis can only get worse. The 'silent half will have less and less reason to hope for improvements in its living conditions, and, once it reaches the depth of despair, there is always a danger of revolt. The authorities are certainly not unaware of this sombre reality. But this is not enough to get them to agree to resume contact with Solidarnose. In the meantime, they have chosen the road of repression. Do they think that they can lock up all the oppositionists, that is, a quarter of the population?
"There is reason to fear that such a tightening of the repression can lead to an explosion of anger. What then can we do to avert such a catastrophic course of events? What can we do in our situation, where the proximity of Soviet tanks rules out any idea of changing the regime? We must exploit all opportunities for putting pressure on the Communist regime in order to lead it to moderation and oblige it to take account of public opinion. Thus, for example, we are going to call for a boycott of the coming elections to the Diet in order to demonstrate our faith in a form of authentic social understanding. But can we convince the "silent half" of the effectiveness of our slogan?" (7)
Kuron feared that the answer to his last question would be "no,"
that, while today it is paralyzed by fear of the regime and its repressive apparatus, this "silent half" tomorrow could impel a revolt, which he thinks could have catastrophic results, and which he, therefore, fears.
Zbigniew Bujak also takes seriously the possibility of a social explosion. He explains: "The scope of such an explosion, its context, and its dynamic cannot be predicted today. We do not know what line of conduct the repressive apparatus will adopt then, to what extent the authorities will be able to quell the explosion, or how far they are prepared to go in making concessions. The leadership of Solidarnosc can limit itself to two demands -recognition of trade-union pluralism and, of course, stopping the repression of political activity. But will the social demands stop at that level? I suppose not. A lot will depend on the dynamic of the movement. All that the TKK can do is build a communications network nationally and organize the dissemination of information. That is why we support the creation of the greatest possible number of journals and publishing houses, because they will be able to take charge of this. We are also pre paring to give expression to the social demands and to offer the mean- to realizing them." (8)
It seems that while Kuron fears an explosion and wants to avert it. Bujak accepts that it is inevitable and is trying to assure that it will find organization and leadership. However, it is difficult to say if these two approaches are really different in practice. That may be doubted, if you think back to past experienceThere is no question that if a socia explosion took place, its scope would far exceed the organizational frameworks and leadership capacities that can be built up in advance in underground conditions. "Only in the plants that the regime can be defeated"
In such a situation, it is unfortunately possible that Bujak and the leaders of the social movement politically closest to him will try to prevent the explosion of revolt and find themselves taking up positions similar to the one expressed by Kuron. Their behaviour at the time of the last major manifestation of social tension, that provoked by the murder of the priest Jerzy Popieluszko in October 1984, attests that such an assumption is not purely hypothetical. At the time, they left no stone unturned to prevent an explosion.
The attitude of the underground leadership of Solidarnosc on that occasion has been criticized recentiy by Jozef Pinior, the former cha of the Lower Silesia Regional St Kr Con mittee: They murder a pre* he fore the eyes of all Europe, they comically admit it, and we do ni reari. It is like testing a cake v an a knife to see if it is done. You st «1
6. 4. Mictemen. cit. PD. 9. 1K statement Jacek Kuron, 'Le Monde' of August 10, 1985. tem," (Interview with bigniew Bujak), "Wywiad ze Zbigniewem Bujak'Kultura', No. 9, 1985. p. 46.
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a knife in and you feel a resistance. They are testing a society in the same way ... The problem was then not to arouse a determination to struggle, to wake people up. It was clear that the human tide wanted to protest. Was it possible to organize the protest? It was necessary to show that that tide had its own org. anization, capable of focusing it around an objective and a slogan. Today, it is quite obviously unimaginable that the TKK should proclaim a general strike. We are all waiting for spontaneous strikes, when the limit of pauperization is passed and people turn off the machines. But in the wake of Popielusko's murder, the situation was different from the one today. The sea was stormy, and what was needed was to tind sink into poverty. And this is supposed to be a workers state? The handful who support the regime are cynics who are only looking out for their own interests."
What is the perspective for the future and what are the tasks that flow from this for the underground structures of the social movement? Slowik gives a clear answer to this question: "The 1980 scenario will not be repeated exactly, but history will repeat itself, that is sure. The Communists can count on that like money in the bank, because there is one thing that they know how to do better than anybody, and that is arouse the discontent of the workers. And we have to be prepared for that."
What this means concretely, in What this means concretelv. in Slowik's opinion, is that "the first task is to build and strengthen the structures in the enterprises so that when there is a new political crisis they can take the leadership of the union," because "it is only in the plants that the regime can be defeated." (10) The Alliance of the Workers Opposition
In the spring of 1985, a new socio-political current started to form within the Polish social movement. The editorial boards of four underground journals set up a coordinating committee that took the name "Alliance of the Workers Opposition Press" (PPOR). They published a draft program around which they are seeking to bring together those forces that have declared themselves in favor of an antibureaucratic revolution, waged by the working class and aimed at achieving the full liberation of the working class.
The PPOR wants to contribute to building and broadening the mass workers struggles around partial and immediate demands and the selforganization of the workers themselves.
The following journals have joined the PPOR: Front Robotniczy, Sprawa Robotnicza, Glosno, and Wolny Robotnik. The first two have been published since the summer of 1984 by groups that are working for workers self-management and identify with the revolutionary left. In its first issue, Front Robotniczy published excerpts from the "Open Letter to the PZPR" written in 1964 by Jacek Kuron and Karol Mozelewski. In so doing, it demonstrated its intent to link up with the revolutionary tradition of the Polish antibureaucratic opposition, which, by the way, the authors of that work have today abandoned.
For its part, Sprawa Robotnicza announced in its first issue that it considered itself "a link in the international working class community." It wrote, moreover, that it has enemies with whom no accord or alliance can ever be concluded → they are the bureaucracy that is, the social layer that exploits the workers); as well as the bourgeoisie, which guarantees the survival of the long bankrupt bureaucracy."
Wolny Robotnik is the organ of the Union of Workers Councils of the Polish Resistance Movement (ZRPPRO). This organization, which is based on clandestine groups in the factories, has operated in Upper Silesia since 1982. In a draft program published at the start, the ZRP-PRO came out for overthrowing the bureaucratic dictatorship based on a general strike led by workers councils formed clandestinely, and for establishing workers power in the state in order to guarantee the building of socialism.
Glosno is the organ of the Provisional Coordinating of the Mines (TKKG) of Solidarnosc. It also operates in Upper Silesia. The TKKG has made itself known in the West by its support for the British miners' strike, which attracted important notice in the British left and far left press, in particular in the New Statesman and the London Labour Briefing.
The TKKG is a coordinating committee of the underground trade-union mittee of the underground trade-union commissions in many mines, and is in conflict with the Regional Executive Commission (RKW) of Solidarnose, which represents the underground national leadership of the union.
The PPOR has formed an Executive Commission that includes a representative of each of its components and functions by consensus in order to maintain their autonomy. This commission is responsible for the publication of a common monthly bulletin called Przelom ("breach") the first issue of which appeared at the end of the fall of 1985. (11)
The emergence of the PPOR represents an important step in the process of building the workers selforganization and self-management current in the Polish social movement. The existence of such a current is essential in order to overcome the crisis of political and strategic orientation in which the movement finds itself today.
The following are the documents issued by the PPOR at the time of its founding, as well as a selection of articles taken from the journals belonging to this coordinating body. O
9. "Obenose (Wroclaw), No. 10, 1985.
10. "Rozmowa z Andrzejem Slowikiem," ("Discussion with A. Slowil"), Dziennik Polski' (London), No. 43, 1985.
11. 'Pzelom', No. 1, 1985. International Viewpoint 23 December 1985 and what was r an opening so th explode." (9)
This statement tes that among t Solidarnose there political differen expressed recen Slowik, chair of Lodz region, con of such differe proclamation of Slowik was one of the "hard" tra management line leadership of the leeded was to find at the storm could : by Pinior indicahe main leaders of are tody serious ces. The position tly by Andrzej Solidarnose in the firms the existence nces. Before the the state of war, of the advocates le-unionist and selfin the national union. Imprisoned leadership of the union. Imprisoned on December 13, 1981, he was released in the July 1984 amnesty. Today, he has written the following about the situation:
"People have lost hope in the possibility that the regime will on its own abandon its monopoly position and its supremacy over the people. No new compromises are realistic today because the people know that the regime will not respect them. This is why more and more citizens are realizing the absolute necessity of changing the present political system for one that would offer even a minimum of guarantees that any future accord would be respected by the regime. Today, there is no guarantee that the basic political and economic aspirations of the citizens will be met by the present team ...
"People know today that the regime does not serve the society, that it counterposes its interests to those of its own country. As never before, they see the squandering of all that they have gained in their lives, the squandering of their chances as individuals and those of the nation. The working people in the cities and rural areas of Poland realize today that the Communists have done nothing for them in forty years except to assure them a chance to work every day in trying conditions and to little effect. They retire, and 22