The rebuilding of the mass workers struggles A TRADE-UNION movement independent of the dictatorship and the bourgeois parties is in the process of organizing itself in El Salvador, uniting its forces to mobilize the workers in defense of their economic and democratic demands. This movement for immediate demands is being sharpened by the economic crisis and the dictatorship's policy.
The following interview is an exceptional testimony to the recomposition of the Salvadoran union movement. It was given on July 31 to Pascal Rene, a West European solidarity movement activist, by four leaders of the Workers Solidarity Coordinating Committee (CST), which organizes workers in the private sector and is actively into the regime. In reaction, a coup d'etat by the younger military officers overthrew the regime of General Carlos Humberto Romero on October 15,1979.
In 1979-1980, organized by unions, neighborhood committees, and a series of other structures, the people's struggle continued. The regime decided, then, to launch a repression, which by October 15, 1979, had resulted in the deaths of 60,000 people, murdered and "missing."
The union headquarters were sacked and destroyed, the union leaders were jailed, murdered, "disappeared," or were assassinated.
Massacres were carried out during demonstrations, as in the case of the march organized by the Mass Revolutionary Coordinating Committee in which more than 500,000 people participated on January 22, 1980.
In those days, there were searches every night in the neighborinvolved in the May 1 Committee.
The Salvadoran urban mass movement had its best days at the time of the gigantic mobilizations in 1980. Since the relative failure of the general offensive by the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), the regime and its armed forces were able to impose a reign of terror on the cities. For nearly two years, the trade-union movement was forced to retreat almost entirely into underground and conspiratorial work. It was very hard hit by the repression.
A number of trade-union activists and leaders were arrested, murdered by military commandos, or fired. The union headquarters were destroyed. The mass fronts of the revolutionary organizations disappeared in the cities, which were in the grip of the dictatorship, as the confrontation took on the dimensions of a civil war.
The shift in the relationship of forces in the main urban zones made trade-union activity extremely difficult. While the repression made it impossible for the revolutionary-led unions to have any public presence, the Christian Democracy (DC) tried to take advantage of the situation to build a social base through the People's Democratic Union (UPD) and the unions under its control.
The revival of the union movement over the year 1983 was the result of a long and difficult struggle to survive and rebuild the union structures. Little by little, links were reknitted between union activists, and the number of strikes grew. This gave rise to a recomposition of the trade-union movement 6 and to rich experiences of working-class unity in action.
Throughout this period, innocent occasions - festivals or trips to the sea shore — were utilized to maintain a minimum trade-union activity, to organize meetings. It was also necessary to hide hunted union leaders and protect their families.
Of course, those times are not entirely over, but today the trade-union movement has regained an accepted place. Meetings, congresses, street demonstrations, and strikes are developing despite the repression. Important breaches are opening up in the DC's control of the mass movement. The FENASTRAS congress November 7-8 will be another important test of the movement's ability to work openly. (Messages of support can be sent to the Union at Avenida 29 de Agosto, Plaza Barrios No. 29, San Salvador.)
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Question. We know that the mass movement in El Salvador has undergone a certain reactivation, but we do not have precise information. In particular, we are unfamiliar with the present configuration of the movement and the process of unification that is underway. Could you tell us about that?
Answer. Starting in 1979 and even before, there was a formidable mass movement that gave expression to the unity, or more exactly, to the militancy of the working class, which demonstrated in the streets and struck fear hoods, people disappeared or were murdered by death squads or by the army. These conditions pushed the workers into retreat.
Starting in 1981, there was a retreat by the trade-union movement in the face of this repression and the climate of psychological warfare created, for example by appeals for people to inform. Thus in 1982 and at the beginning of 1983, the people were terrorized by the violence of the government and the regime.
However, the more and more desperate economic crisis, ruinously low wages, and underemployment drove the working class back into struggle. So, in February 1983 there was what we call the beginning of the reactivization of the mass movement. A series of strikes broke out. Unions arose and entered into struggle for their own demands. It should be pointed out that the repression had reached such a degree that the leaderships of many unions were no longer in the workplaces. But the solid organizations never gave up the struggle. Their leaders did not retreat, but their methods of action changed. The regime's intention was to drive the union movement underground in order to justify the repression. But we refused to give way to that. We stood up in front of the TV cameras, the press, and even the security bodies. We blocked this tactic by the regime. Then, in 1983, we set the objective of celebrating May Day by holding a mass rally in a union headquarters We held a national assembly in which delegates from the various federations were present. In this way, we managed to end the retreat. We invited the national and interna-
International Viewpoint 11 November 1985
tional press. On May 1, at 6.00 am, two hours before the rally was scheduled to start, the security forces cordoned off the union headquarters. But the people came in despite that.
However, it was in 1984 that the reactivation really got underway. In 1983, there were strikes, to be sure, but very few. In the small strike wave of February 1983, which signaled the revival of the mass movement, there was the struggle of the General Union of Bank Workers (SIGEBAN), the People's Credit Bank workers, the workers of the National Association of Aqueducts and Water Mains (ANDA), and those by workers at other enterprises.
Among ourselves, we said that February had been the most important month thanks to these struggles. In 1984, we decided to go back onto the streets. On May 1, we responded to the call of the United Trade-Union Movement of El Salva-
MIRNOFF
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On the outskirts of San Salvador, the day of the March 1982 elections (DR)
dor (MUSYGES), a group made up of representative trade-union organizations. However, the government portrayed it as an appendage of the FMLN.
Then, on September 15, 1984, we went onto the streets again. At that time a major strike was underway, the action by the International Sports Club (CDI), which lasted for more than a hundred days. This strike served as sort of a lever for beginning to build a new united organization, the Workers Solidarity Coordinating Committee (CST).
How did that happen? The CDI is a service business. So, shutting it down could not deal severe blows to the oligarchy, because what they spent on it was to serve their amusement, not their productive investments. While the CDI was on strike, the members of the oligarchy could simply go to the Hotel Sheraton for a drink or go swimming in other clubs.
Therefore, a number of unions met to study how they could help their brothers and sisters. So, as the weeks went on, through discussions, information campaigns and economic aid, work stoppages in solidarity, visits to the cathedral, to the presidential palace, etc., the CST was born.
Today, this coordinating body embraces about thirty unions. So, on September 15, 1984, we demonstrated in particular to win the release of the leaders of the Electrical Workers Union (STECEL) (1) and other political and trade-union prisoners. On November 5, we went onto the streets again to demand the continuation of the dialogue between the FMLN and the government.
In this connection, it is necessary to make a bit of a detour to explain how the rulers operate. The demonstration in question was called by the MUSYGES with sufficient time to build it. But the day before it was to be held, a communique supposedly signed by the MUSYGES appeared saying that the action had been called off. This was a maneuver by the Armed Forces Press Committee (COPREFA).
Despite everything, the march took place. It drew greater participation than on the previous occasions, because, little by little, fear was diminishing. Of course, the fear of the workers, who had seen their parents, wives, and children murdered in the street, was not going to disappear overnight. But the economic crisis and want kept bringing us back onto the streets. So, we consider that 1984 was really the year when the movement became reactivated.
In 1985, the workers are already surer of themselves, more conscious of the role they have to play. A series of struggles have taken place, and a process of unification is underway. Already, on December 29, 1984, the CST had taken its first steps in the street, with a demonstration marching to the presidential palace, where we. presented Duarte with a list of demands concerning several disputes that we wanted to resolve.
On March 24, at the same time as the Mothers Committee, we commemorated the death of Monsignor Romero. Then in April, the organizations already mentioned formed the Committee To Celebrate May 1. On April 17, we called the media to a press conference to announce the demonstration. On April 29, we called a second press conference, to confirm that the demonstration was going ahead. On this occasion, teams came from TV Channels eight and 19, which belong to the Ministry of Education but seem to be more in the service of the Christian Democracy than the ministry.
That evening, these two channels and other private ones presented excerpts from our news conference, interspersed with statements by a captured guerrilla, Miguel Castellanos (2), who said that all the union federations, the FUSS, FESTIAVCES, FENASTRAS (3) were appendages of the FMLN.
This maneuver was designed to undermine the mobilization, but it failed. We brought out 40,000 workers. Some comrades even said that there were 50,000. We were in the streets alongside teachers from the National Association of Teachers of El Salvador (ANDES-June 21), public and municipal workers from the Coordinating Council of Government Workers and Municipal Employees (CCTEM), and peasants.
That is, we achieved the broadest sort of unity. This was a disciplined march in which men, women, and children carried white flags, symbols of peace. Starting at 8.00 am helicopters flew over the route of march to intimidate the participants, but this did not work. The people wanted to knock the helicopters down, they waved their flags. It was a grandoise sign, a triumph.
1. The Electricity workers union, whose general secretary, Hector Bernabe Recinos, and other main leaders were released in November 1984.
2. Miguel Castellanos, commander of the People's Liberation Forces (FPL), one of the components of the FMLN, gave himself up to the armed forces in April 1985.
(3) FUSS - United Trade-Union Federation of El Salvador. TESTIAVCES -Federation of Unions in the Food, and Textiles Industries. It includes eight unions. FENASTRAS - National Trade-Union Federation of Salvadoran Workers.
International Viewpoint 11 November 1985
In May, there were some very hard struggles. On May 6, the social security workers went on strike for higher wages and other union demands. The comrades of the Anda company did the same, as well as the workers at the Martin factory.
In El Triunfo, the conflict at Pesca SA had already been going on for several months. The Ministry of Education workers and those of ANDES-June 21 also presented their demands. However, certain conflicts stood out as more important, and the workers solidarized with the Anda and Social Security struggles.
The Anda workers were the first to conclude their strike, but they signed the protocol of agreement under strong pressure. It was no longer the Ministry of Labor or its representatives that was doing the negotiating atives that was doing the negotiating but the national police in the person of its chief, Colonel Rubio. That gives you an idea of who decides things here.
Despite everything, even though the workers were under pressure from the military, they got a raise. Moreover, in signing the accord they broke in practice with Decree 296, which prohibits strikes by employees in the public sector, and with the decree establishing the state of siege. They also managed to get the reinstatement of 45 Anda activists who had been fired during the struggle.
So, this conflict ended, but the Social Security struggle and several others continued. The Social Security workers demonstrated great solidarity, striking for four to eight hours at least two or three times a week. On June 3, several police were killed in an assault on the Social Security General Hospital.
In fact, while helicopter-borne troops landed on the roof, dressed in black and wearing hoods, other troops came in the emergency doors in civilian clothing, before taking out their guns. At the same time, the electricity was cut off. With this adding to the confusion, a crossfire started, resulting in the deaths of four police in civilian clothes. The general secretary of the union, Guillermo Rojas, and another leader were arrested.
In order to block the demonstration scheduled to head the next day for the legislative Assembly, the COPREFA and the government announced that the march had been banned, and that the demonstrators would be dealt with on the basis of the decree that established the state of siege. For three quarters of an hour, the TV stations broadcast announcements threatening those who might take part. There was the same thing on the radio every ten to 15 minutes. In the papers, whole pages
VENCEREMOS
FM iLN Workers at Radio Venceremos som where were given over to announcements of the ban on the demonstration.
On that day, the response of the people was heroic. Despite all the threats, more than 15,000 workers demonstrated, ready to face whatever came. Despite the security cordons, the people were there. On the same day, 22 unions went on strike in solidarity. Around the rally in front of the Assembly, the soldiers set up very tight barriers. But instead of being afraid, the people shouted: "Decent soldiers, your place is with the people!" These struggles and these strikes made it possible to win the release of our two comrades.
So, in May, every three days on the average, there were activities. On May 20, for example, the comrades at the Labels and Elastics Factory went on strike. There were three demonstrations for the Social Security conflict. Then the Anda struggle flared up again, because the agreement was not respected, in particular as regards the ouster of corrupted officials. Some of the latter were only shifted to other posts. The raises were only given selectively, to the Christian Democracy's people. The attitude of Perdomo, the head of Anda, hardened. The workers went on strike again to get him thrown out as a corrupt and repressive manager.
As regards the conflict at Labels and Elastics, it ended in a victory after 37 days on strike. The workers got 65% of pay for the hours they lost in the strike, small wage increases, and other benefits. But the greatest victory is that now these workers are supporting the activities of the CST, and, for example, two days after they went back to work, they came out onto the streets again in solidarity.
On June 20, the May 1 Committee organized a national assembly, at which there were 65 delegations from inside El Salvador (DR) various unions and associations. We had reserved the hall of the National Charity Lottery. At the start of the proceedings, the president of the lottery association was called to a ministerial meeting by President Duarte. He was ordered to halt the assembly. He came back and tried to stop the meeting on the pretext that there was no authorization for it.
His attitude got people heated up. They told him a thing or two, and stayed put. He threatened to clear out the entire building, to open up the way for the forces of order to come in. But on the other side of the street were the Anda workers supporting the assembly. Then, he took up a megaphone. But ours was more powerful, so he had to let the meeting go on.
We had drawn up a national list of demands — a 100% raise for all, no increase in the fares on public transport, nonpayment of agricultural debts for the peasants, a budget for the national university, and the release of all the trade-union and political prisoners. This list, including the demands of all sections of workers, was presented to the Legislative Assembly. A response was to follow in two weeks.
As regards Perdomo, the head of Anda, the Legislative Assembly promised to summon him, because the Anda workers had presented proof of his corruption. For example, it was shown that he had bought a picture he presented to Duarte with Anda money. Today, we know that Perdomo did not appear. And the fact that the Assembly accepted this is a way of backing him.
In fact, the ouster of Perdomo would be an encouragement to the Ministry of Education workers to demand the removal of their minister, Buendia Flores. It would arouse International Viewpoint 11 November 1985
the fury of all the top functionaries who have had their snouts in the pork barrel. The people haven't seen any of the economic aid that El Salvador has been given. It all goes to the army or into the pockets of the Christian Democratic high and mighty, the coffee growing oligarchy, etc.
Q. We have talked mainly about the capital. But what is happening in the other cities?
A. In fact, the country's main industrial concentration is in San Salvador. So, it is there that we have seen the biggest growth in the strength of the trade-union forces. However, in the interior departments, in the cities there, there are also industries and organized workers.
In the western part of the country, in the cities of Santa Ana, Sonsonate, and Ahuachapan, there is a united body called the Wester Committee of Workers Affiliated to the ISS (COTAISS). This structure was created to win an improvement in social benefits. But its aims were subsequently broadened.
In Santa Ana, there is also the Association of City-Hall Workers (ATRANSA), which has fought hard struggles and won victory on certain demands. Here the contradietions between the National Republican Alliance [ARENA, the extreme rightist party led by the sinister Major d' Aubuisson] and the Christian Democracy have come out into the open. ARENA holds the city government, and the Christian Democracy controls the Ministry of the Interior. So, the workers have not been getting their wages, and each authority has blamed the other. Through their struggles, the workers have gotten their wages paid.
In Sonsonate, there are other unions, such as the one at the Salud Creamery and in, transport. In the banks, such as the Salvadoran Bank, the Credit Bank, and others, SIGEBAN has locals that are affiliated to the COTAISS. In Ahuachapan, there is also a union in the Salvamiel enterprise. In the eastern part of the country, there are several unions, one is the fishing industry, one on the docks, and others.
At the end of 1984, the third legal strike in our country took place. It was led by the comrades in the Multipesca enterprise in La Union. The comrades at Pesca in El Triunfo have been on strike since January 1985. This strike has affected the economy of the port. It was not simply a concern of the company involved but of the entire locality, because the port is the motive force in the local economy. On several occasions, these comrades have come to the capital, to the Ministry of Labor. Also, several
FMLN fighters (DR) deputies have gone to El Triunfo. But no solution has been reached.
There is also the union in the coffee industry, which has sections in Berlin, Santiago de Maria, etc. So, the trade-union movement is also growing in the eastern part of the country, but that is a war zone, and so the features are different. For this reason, the struggle in La Union was a legal strike. The legal authorization lasted almost a year.
In San Salvador also, workers and trade-union leaders operate legally. We go to the Ministry of Labor to discuss a legal framework, but we are also aware that the whole thing is rigged against us, and after a certain point we put legality aside, and the workers go on strike even if their action is illegal. -
In conclusion, it can be said that the trade-union movement is present throughout the country, in the eastern and western regions as well as in San Salvador.
Q. Is the mass movement influenced by the People's Democratic Union (UPD) still important?
A. The social base of the Christian Democracy is beginning to break up. Its main forces are in the UPD, which includes the majority of the unions and associations under the influence of the DC. The first split produced the General Workers Union (CGT), and a second gave rise to the Democratic Workers Confederation (CTD).
At present, the CTD gets its funds and its orientations from the Insti tute for Free Trade Unionism [IFTU]. It seems that the US embassy is trying to raid the DC's base so that it can have an alternative when the DC is no longer useful to Reagan. Apparently the DC has become aware of this maneuver, and is trying to wrest its base away from the IFTU.
The UPD belongs to the LatinAmerican Confederation of Labor (CLAT), which is Christian Democratic in orientation. Its social base is eroding, in particular because the UPD has signed a social pact with the DC, and its leaders are fighting over government posts. For example, on June 20, the UPD had scheduled a peasant march, but it did not bring out anybody because of its lack of organizational capacities. The leaders are, moreover, in conflict with their base, who advocate a refusal to pay farm debts. The leaders say that they have to be paid!
As regards the Agricultural Development Bank, while the peasants in the part of the rural economy affected by the agrarian reform, as well as in the part not under the reform, are demanding more credits, the leaders, who, moreover control these funds, argue that the Bank does not have the means. And on June 20 also, we held a national assembly of the May 1 Committee, and the university mobilized en masse to demand the adoption of a university budget.
Q. What relations do you have with the various sections of the UPD?
A. We have relations with the Confederation of Salvadoran Workers (CTS), which was present at the June 20 assembly when the list of demands was approved. With the leaderships of the UPD themselves, our relations are not very well developed, because this confederation is too closely linked to the DC. In practice, the ranks of the UPD are discontented, because even the social pact signed with the Christian Democracy has not been respected in practice.
We also have certain contacts with the Federation of Building Trades and Transport (FESINCONSTRANS). During the Social Security struggle, the CTS and FESINCONSTRANS came out against the military intervention. After they issued their communique, the leaders of the latter organization were called to order. We hope, however, that we can get united actions - with them, whatever political current they attach themselves to, because our concern is the interests of the workers and not of the politicians. We have already moved closer to them in some respects. But we are still in the stage of testing the ground. Sometimes they help us with a communique, sometimes they reject us. The process of unification has only begun.
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International Viewpoint 11 November 1985
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