NETHERLANDS.
### Youth against nuclear weapons The cruise missiles have not yet been deployed in the Netherlands, and the Youth Against Nuclear Weapons (Jongeren tegen Kernwapens -JTK) are determined that it will never happen. The JTK is an independent organization, and for some months it has been able to discuss on the national level with the 'adult' organizations.
So, we are evidently being taken seriously, finally. The JTK was set up, as a national organization in February 1983. At that time, various youth groups decided at a peace activists conference to set up a national coordination and publish a national newspaper. Before that, JTK groups had already existed, some since 1981. A few months later, a National Secretariat was established in order to coordinate everything better.
Wineke 't HART On November 21, 1981, there was a big peace demonstration in Amsterdam. About 400,000 people made it clear that the cruise missiles were not welcome. They included a lot of youth. The most important organization in this demonstration was the IKV (Interkerkelijk Vredesberaad - Interchurch Peace Council). In 1977, the IKV began building its campaign for "A World Free from Nuclear Weapons, Starting With the Netherlands." This was a broad campaign that was also directed toward the high schools. Through this work and by offering internal democracy, they won more than half of their support outside the churches. As a result, the churches do not have so much say any more in the IKV.
The second biggest organizer of the 1981 demonstration was the Stop de Neutronenbom organization. This group was set up in 1977 on the initiative of the CPN (Comunistiese partij Nederland - Communist Party of the Netherlands). The Stop de N-bom is not organized in a terribly democratie way.
After the November 1981 demonstration, the government said that it would make its final decision in 1983. The various peace groups set up the LOVO (Landelijk Overleg Vredes Organisaties -National Coordinating Committee of Peace Organizations). In it are represented among others the IKV, Stop N-bom, Vrowen voor Vrede (VvV -Women for Peace) and Nederland uit de Navo (Netherlands out of NATO, radical pacifist groups). Also on the local level, peace concils were set up. In this way, the activities could be better synchronized. It was decided to build anther big demonstration for October 29, 1983. After that, the KKN (Komitee Kruisraketten Nee -
Committee Against the Cruise Missiles)
was set up, which had the task of building the demonstration. In the KKN were represented the various peace groups, political parties, and the union movement.
Some 550,000 people came to demonstrate in The Hague on October 29, and the government decided to postpone its final decision until June 1984. In May the KKN organized a week of actions against the cruise missiles a 15 minute work stoppage on May 10. during which the unions called for On that day, the JTK staged a high school strike, in which 50,000 high school youth participated. Over the peace week, a total of about 400,000 persons participated in the activities. The government (a coalition of Christian Democrats and Liberals) was in a difficult position. The Liberals wanted to deploy the missiles without more ado, and the Christian Democrats were also for deployment, but they were afraid of losing votes.
Ruud Lubbers, the premier, tied himself in knots, coming out with every conceivable variant solution. Finally, one of them was chosen. It said "We will decide definitively in November 1985. If the Russians have not deployed any SS-20s, then no cruise missiles will be deployed in the Netherlands. If the Russians have deployed SS-20s but the negotiations with America and Russia offer an agreement, then a few cruise will be deployed in the missiles
17
len HOLLANDSE ZIEKIE
The Dutch 'disease' Netherlands. If there is no agreement and Russia has deployed SS-20s, then the Netherlands will deploy all 48 cruise missiles."
In fact, the government's formula was a mask for accepting deployment. In this way, Lubbers wanted to focus the attention of the peace movement on what Russia did, and he avoided a cabinet crisis. Very smart. Obviously, it was a laughable proposal, because in England, Germany, Italy, and also in Belgium there had already been a decision to deploy, to which the Russians were naturally going to react.
Nonetheless, the government's decision can be viewed as a victory for the peace movement. Because of the pressure of the peace movement, Lubbers could not just say "yes," and the final decision was postponed again.
After that decision, there was a lot of confusion in the peace movement. Unfortunately, it was not seen as a victory. An often heard question was, "Do mass actions still make any sense?" Three currents developed. The IKV tops said: "We have to try to convince the government with arguments. For example, we have to offer an alternative defense plan."
Stop N-bom leaders said: "We have to involve the Christian Democrats in our activities. So, we should tone down the demands of the peace movement."
The third current said, in reaction to the first two "tougher actions are needed." It lost all confidence in the leadership of the peace movement and did not want to work together with them anymore.
All three currents stood in the way of further mass actions. Fortunately, a lot of people still saw the importance of a mass movement.
For a whole period, nothing happened. Only the JTK was bringing pressure to bear by organizing an action conference and drawing up an action plan. The JTK did this in collaboration with other left youth organisations, the Jonge Socialisten, Comunstiese Jeudgbond, Komitee 18
Soldaten tegen Kernwapens, the Soldiers Union, REBEL (the youth organization in solidarity with the Dutch section of the Fourth International), and some others.
On November 10, an action plan was adopted at the youth conference. In this respect, the youth set a good example. This plan of action ran up to the time the government's decision is supposed to be taken in November 1985. After that decision we will hold another action conference.
What is in the action plan? Up to the summer of 1985, we are conducting information campaign. After the summer, we will build a high school an strike for October. In this period also, we will organize a youth peace festival and help with the People's Petition campaign [against the missiles].
Finally, a month after the conference various youth organizations agreed to unite in the JTK. That meant a big step forward in building the organization. Then, in January the JTK was asked to send two representatives to the KKN and to the LOVO. We can now discuss together with the adult organizations, and that is also necessary.
Naturally, we could not achieve so much in these organizations if the JTK were not represented. Without us a minimum age of 18 would probably have been set for the People's Petition. Fortunately, we were able to block that.
Through REBEL, a revolutionary socialist youth organizaton, we have played an important role in building the JTK, although we came to see its importance rather late.
In 1983, we started to orient to the JTK and put forces in it. The National Secretariat of the JTK then came to consist exclusively of REBEL members.
The JK was very weak and the REBEL members had more experience, especially in running a national organization.
After the summer of 1983, the JTK became a priority for REBEL. We then went to set up JTK groups in places where we are, and we tried to mobilize as many youth as possible for October
29 demonstration. This work went well, but it meant a lot of running around for Youth demonstrate against the missiles (DR)
REBEL.
Nonetheless, with the example of the British Youth CND in the backs of our minds, we kept on working hard. After the high school strike and the government's decision, a national coordination was set up with the other youth organizations. That was fine for us, because we had to demonstrate our right to exist as REBEL, which we did effectively. At the conference, our proposals were adopted, and we stood closest to the "real" JTK people. We were the ones to give importance to bringing soldiers into the actions. We always stressed that the action plan should be made as concrete as possible.
In building the JTK, we try never to forget about building REBEL. That work has sometimes been neglected. This means that we also have to have other activities and that we have to have a profile in the JTK. So, we sell our paper in JTK meetings, take up the question of Nicaragua among the JK left, put forward the slogan 'Jobs not Bombs,' bring the question of NATO into the discussions, and talk about the Star Wars notion. In the future, we must organize more open REBEL discussions to which we can invite our contacts from the JTK.
July 3-6 the Fourth Europe for Nuclear Disarmament convention is to be held in Amsterdam. At this convention, we are holding a workshop for youth in the peace movements in order to project new ideas, to call an international youth day of peace action, and discuss possible international actions.
It is important that a lot of youth come to this conference, and not just for the workshop. The youth must have a voice there, because youth are a lot more radical than the rest of the peace movement. Last year when the END convention was held in Perugia, there were far too few youth there. Almost the only ones who expressed radical views were the women. Now we also have to speak out about how we see the perspectives of the peace movement, how the cruise missiles and Pershings have to be kept out or sent back to
Reagan.
MET RAKE TENGELD
WORDT ONZE SOCIALE
AO ZEKERHEID CEVELD
CPN
SEN NIT
NE
International Viewpoint 17 June 1985
DDIT AIN