The crisis of the Marcos regime mador it ic mainlt
The crisis which has rocked the Philippine regime for more than a year is far from being resolved. In fact it is deepening.
It was the wish of the American administration that the 1984 legislative elections on May 14 should prepare the way for a peaceful transition from the existing family dictatorship of President Marcos to a new bourgeois majority government better able to confront the rising social, democratic and revolutionary struggles.
This project did make some progress, such as the dividing of the opposition and the rallying of sections of the urban petty bourgeoisie to an electoral perspective. However, the election results and the dynamism of the boycott campaign pursued by the popular forces indicated that the American counter-revolutionary scheme was on its way to failure. (1)
The subsequent events have confirmed, in an often striking manner, that Washington has not yet managed to bring into line those forces within the regime and the army that are opposed to democratic reform and defend the status quo. The United States has, moreover, been unable to isolate popular movements and the militant anti-imperialist wing of the opposition. On the contrary, the revolutionary forces continue to grow. The recent successes of the New People's Army (NPA) guerrillas, especially on the island of Mindanao, reinforce this trend.
In fact, the Philippine archipelago has become the focus of political and social struggle of the highest importance. The US is aware of this, in particular since on Luzon Island it has some of the biggest military bases in the world.
The increasing imperialist intervention in the coun try represents a grave danger. Today, it is mainly political, but tomorrow it could become military. In the face of this threat, the international solidarity movement must rally behind the Filipino people.
We publish below interviews and a report by the journalist and activist, Deb Shnookal, done in connection with her visit to the Philippines last September. During that time, an international solidarity conference was held in the Philippines on the twelfth anniversary of the imposition of martial law on September 21, 1972. The conference was prepared by several meetings and fact-finding commissions.
Deb Shnookal followed the progress of one of the commissions on the spot. She was able to give an eye-witness account of the repression which is hitting peasants in the Quezon province. This is a typical example of the militarisation policy that the Marcos regime has brought in, and of exactly what it means to people.
Deb Shnookal was also able to meet with Jose Maria Sison who is currently in detention. Known as "Jo-Ma", he is the main historical leader of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) which is leading the NPA guerrillas.
We also publish below an interview with Rolando Olalia, president of the KMU (Kilusang Mayo Uno -May 1 Movement), an independent union confederation.
These articles originally appeared in Intercontinental Press, published in New York, in October and November 1984. The article which precedes them looks briefly at the recent developments in the Philippines up to the beginning of December 1984.
Paul PETITJEAN
After two months of shilly-shallying the board set up by the government to inquire into the murder of former senator Benigno Aquino produced its report at the end of October 1984. Or rather, it produced several reports. All members of the board were unanimous in rejecting the official version of the murder of President Marcos' main competitor, according to which one man - a communist agent - had single-handedly killed Aquino as he stepped off the aeroplane that brought him back from exile. All are agreed also that those immediately responsible for the killing were the soldiers charged with protecting the victim.
In other words, the entire Board of Inquiry confirmed, after one year's investigation, what everybody in the Philippines already knew: Benigno, 'Ninoy' Aquino can only have been killed by one of the men in the official escort.
But the board was divided as to who was responsible higher up. The board chairperson, Corazon Agrava, found herself in a minority of one in accusing, International Viewpoint 28 January 1984 apart from those in the escort, Brigadier
General Luther Custodio, chief of staff of Air Force Security (AVSECOM), who was in charge of Aquino's reception. The four other members of the board wanted to implicate the chief of staff of the army, General Ver; and the head of the Manila metropolitan command, MajorGeneral Prospero Olivas. In all, 25 military men and one civilian were accused on various counts in the board's majority report. Inquiry Board points the finger
The board did not dare accuse Marcos directly. He was not named in either of the two reports, and the entire opposition, even including the moderates, protested against this omission. In this regard, Salvador Laurel, the main spokesperson of the United Nationalist Democratic Organisation (UNIDO) [and possible candidate in the presidential elections], who is a pro-American but antiMarcos, stated on October 24, 'No one will ever believe that they [Custodio,
Olivas and Ver] ordered the execution of Aquino on their own inititiative.' (2) tun inititiative " (9)
The Board of Inquiry chosen by the president did not dare to point the finger of suspicion at either the head of state or his wife, the powerful Imelda. It must be taken into account that this body was subjected to 'intense pressure by government and military circles throughout its investigations. The fact that there were two reports shows how effective this pressure was. But the implication of high-ups in the army, and especially of General Ver, on its own will have important consequences.
General Ver is not just any old brass hat. A distant relative of Marcos, he is not a field officer, and did not come up through the ranks on the basis of his service record. He is, what they call in the Philippines, a 'political' officer. He became chief of staff through the direct 1. See International Viewpoint, No 59, September 17, 1984. 2. Quoted in Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER), November 8, 1984, by Guy Sacerdotti, p. 15.
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Anti-Marcos demonstration violently dispersed by police (DR)
intervention of President Marcos, for whom he served as chauffeur and body guard. He is considered today to be one of the dictator's right-hand men, as well as one of his most respected advisers.
President Marcos' displeasure at the implication of a man so close to him was well-known. In a letter to Ver, Marcos wrote unabashedly that, the circumstances under which the board has chosen to implicate you with its findings are fraught with doubt and great contradietions of opinion and testimony...we are deeply disturbed...' (3)
The decision, reported a long time ago, of the majority of the Board of Inquiry to point the finger of blame at General Ver reflects first of all the political situation in the Philippines. The May 1984 legislative elections did not mark the end of the mass mobilisations that followed the assassination of Benigno Aquino on August 21, 1983.
Very large demonstrations took place during the election campaign itself. These were given impetus by the call for a boycott, and were followed up after the ballot on May 14.
On August 21, 1984, for the first anniversary of the death of "Ninoy' Aquino, the largest crowd ever, assembled in the capital. Up to two million people are thought to have demonstrated that day in the metropolitan area. One million of those gathered together at a huge central rally in which mingled the yellow colour of the 'Aquinists' and the red of the popular forces. In this context, it was impossible to accept the official version of the murder.
However, the board was only able to investigate General Ver himself because they had the support of Washington to do so. The American administration is in fact extremely worried by the turn of events. Since the murder of Aquino they have been trying to prepare the way for a successor to Marcos by reinvolving the traditional business class in the political game. This section of the bourgeoisie has been pushed into opposition by the 12 nouveaux riches of the presidential clique. The American administration also seeks to impose democratic reforms capable of rallying sections of society such as the urban petty bourgeoisie.
But Washington has come up against strong resistance from within the regime and the army. The presidential clique did not show the slightest inclination for a real compromise, and the government established after the May 14 poll is a carbon copy of the one which preceded it. Moderate opposition politicians who are still snubbed by the regime have had to go back again to the 'parliament of the streets' and participate in mass demonstrations against the regime. Regime intransigent
The repression is becoming more and more violent. While the massive rallies of August 21 were not attacked by the forces of 'law and order' , this forebearance was not repeated one month later, on the occasion of the twelfth anniversary of the declaration of martial law.
On September 21, 1984, 50,000 demonstrators were forbidden access to the Mendiola bridge, symbolic because it leads to Malacanang, the presidential palace. At dawn on September 22, 4,000 demonstrators who had organised an evening of prayer to protest against this ban were dispersed in a brutal fashion through the use of water cannons, tear gas and plastic bullets fired from American M16 Armalite rifles. Some thirty demonstrators were seriously hurt during this confrontation.
On September 27, a further demonstration was organised against police brutality. But this time the order to fire live ammunition was given. This repressive action led to one death, that of a passerby killed by a pistol bullet. A student, Fidel Nemenzo, was not expected to recover, although he later did, and several demonstrators disappeared, probably picked up by the police.
Public feeling ran high. The traditional business sectors took a notably sharper tone. Cardinal Sin, the archbishop of Manila, delivered one of his more forceful speeches. Even the National Assembly felt obliged to demand an inquiry into the facts.
The regime persists in displaying complete intransigence. The mayor of Cagayan de Oro on Mindanao island has just had his election to the National Assembly made null and void by Comelec (4) and his seat given to a government party candidate. Aquilino Pimentel is in fact a moderate bourgeois opposition figure who has a mass base in the area and who could emerge as a national figure in the framework of the 1987 presidential elections. Other local politicians, again on Mindanao island, were crudely murdered by hired killers. (5)
The American strategy seems to be to keep Marcos in until the 1987 presidential elections, whilst also preparing the way for a successor. the American ad- way for a successor. The American administration is divided, and President Reagan has aroused fury amongst the moderate oppositionists in the Philippines by declaring — to the embarrassment of the State Department - during the US election campaign that there was no alternative to the Marcos regime except the Communists.
However, the dominant line in American diplomacy remains to get a process of transition underway. As part of this, they need to insure control over the Philippine army. But the army's hand has been considerably strengthened since the declaration of martial law, twelve years ago. * It had never, until then, played a directly political role. It now possesses formidable power. Formed and financed by the US, it is nonethless the main backer of the Marcos family dictatorship.
'Political' officers such as General Ver owe their positions (military and economic) to personal links that they have with the president's family or with his wife, Imelda Romualdez, as do the businessmen around the president. They are seeking to maintain and strengthen their positions, which would be very difficult if the regime were democratised. They pose a very serious threat of a coup d'etat - which would be without precedent in the history of the country - and are blackmailing Washington.
The spokespeople of the American administration, from vice-president Bush right through to the US ambassador in the Philippines, have let it be known publicly that they are not happy with Marcos intransigence and that they would like to see the conclusions of the Board of Inquiry's majority report containing the accusation against General Ver followed up by real action.
It is now widely known that Washington supports General Fidel Ramos, 3. Ibid. p. 14. 4. Comelec is the body charged with loverseeing' the elections. 5. The most notable case was that of the mayor of the town of Zamboanga, mayor of the town of Zamboanga, Cesar Cesar Climaco who was killed on November 14.
International Viewpoint 28 January 1984
currently acting chief of staff, while Ver is provisionally suspended from duty. General Ramos, himself also a distant relative of Marcos, is in fact a product of American military schools. He is considered to be a 'professional' field soldier who earned his stripes in action against the Communists in Korea and against the NPA in the Philippines.
Ramos probably represents US interests among senior staff in the same way that the technocrat prime minister, Virata, represents those of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) within the government.
The rivalry between Generals Ver and Ramos goes back a long way. It took on a new political content with the assassination of Aquino, and most particularly when the Board of Inquiry made their findings public. A violent internal struggle is probably going on within the regime, its army and the government.
The majority of the top officers' corp have reaffirmed their support for General Ver, following his suspension. Sixty eight of the 83 generals in the armed forces issued to the press an unprecedented 'Manifesto' declaring 'unwavering loyalty and support for. Ver. They added, 'we are morally convinced that he is innocent of the dastardly crime being attributed to him.' (6)
As for General Ver himself, he dismisses the Board of Inquiry as an instrument of enemies of the state. General Ramos did not sign the manifesto. But he has indicated doubt that he could use his current position to purge the army. He stated on November 13 that the tempor ary character of his office prevented him from introducing the necessary reforms within the army, despite the urgent need to eliminate from 'within our ranks such... enemies as arrogance, ceremonial pomp, intrigue, waste, abuse of authority, laziness, corruption (and) divisiveness.' (7)
In the face of the crisis and of American pressures, the president's clique and the businessmen and high-ranking officers who are close to him have retrenched themselves in their position, as if it were an impregnable fortress. But the general situation is becoming more and more explosive. It was not for nothing that the US ambassador in Manila, at a meeting of the Rotary Club, referred pointedly to the situation in Iran before the fall of the shah. He warned that 'those countries in which power is concentrated in the hands of a few and which lack institutional mechanisms for facilitating internal compromise are less able to accomodate pressures for change. Change may be resisted, but when it breaks through - as it inevitably will - it disrupts societies and may even tear them asunder.' (8) Nevertheless, the United States continues, concretely, to support President Marcos. Washington's only alternative was murdered more than a year ago. He was Benigno Aquino.
The crisis of the regime is only a reflection of the social crisis which is tearing the country apart. As the price for rescheduling of part of its huge foreign debt, the Philippine government had to accept a series of measures imposed by the IMF and banks to which it owes money, including allowing the peso to float and levying new taxes.
The annual inflation rate for 1984 has already been estimated at 65 to 70 per cent. That is unique in this region. The official wage is far from keeping pace with inflation. At the beginning of November, the minimum wage for an industrial worker in Manila was due to go up from 35 pesos a day to 37 (that is, about £2.50), and the cost-of-living bonus from 14 to 17 pesos a week. Similar "adjustments' had taken place in May and June, when the value of the Philippine currency had gone from 14 to 21 pesos to the dollar since the beginning of the year.
Over and above such figures, larger and larger sections of the working population -workers, peasants, the urban poor, but also teachers, etc. — are sinking from poverty to destitution and sometimes with no hope of escape.
The spectre of hunger riots such as those that were sparked in Latin America brought on by the austerity plans imposed by the IMF is beginning to haunt the Philippines, and this is at a time when the Communist Party's guerrilla movement is gaining strength day by day. (9)
The situation in the Philippines is as precarious as Marcos' health. Already the August 1983 crisis - with the retur and subsequent assassination of Aquino -probably opened up because people thought Marcos was about to die. Since then, medical treatment succeeded in getting him back on his feet temporarily. But, in a period of political upheaval, President Marcos had to disappear from the scene for three weeks for health reasons at the end of November [and again recently]. The battle for the succession is already in full swing among the regime's supporters.
However, what is more important for all revolutionists around the world is that there exists in the Philippines a mass movement that is engaged in an independent struggle, seeking to impose an anti-imperialist solution to the crisis. This is what the Nationalist Alliance gave expression to in its appeal published on September 21: "Today the Filipino people stand at a crucial point in the nation's history.'
Emphasising that it was necessary to step-up extra-parliamentary struggle, maximise the organisational capacities of the movement and reinforce unity, the appeal continued: "The need to strengthen unity among the present anti-dictatorship forces cannot be overemphasised. So that it will be stable and lasting, let us base our political unity on the prinin that to imnarlim as well as its ciple that US imperialism as well as its junior partner, the Marcos regime, are the targets of the anti-dictatorship struggle. Let us share, too, a strong commitment to rely principally on the people's strength and their unrelenting initiative in dismantling the present rule. While differences on many matters are bound to occur within any broad front, these can be resolved or relegated to secondary significance so long as we hold supreme the interests of bringing down the present dictatorship and liberating the Filipino people.' (10)
December 3, 1984 6. FEER, P. 14, op. cit. 7. Quoted by Guy Sacerdotti in FEER, November 22, 1984, p. 10. 8. Quoted by Nayan Chanda in FEER, November 8, 1984, p. 16. 9. See IV, No 49, March 26, 1984. 10. The appeal was published in full in the July-August 1984 edition of Solidaridad II. The quote is from page 13. The full name of the Nationalist Alliance is the Nationalist Alliance for Justice, Freedom and Democracy (NAJFD). It unites a series of local organisations of the masses on a general 'class struggle" orientation.
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Funeral of Marcos' would be assassin turns into a demonstration against the regime (DR)
111E
HI r
TATIAL
RECONCILIATION WITHOUT RESIGN
MARCOS I5A
FM-FL,
SOCIAL CANCER,
SCRAM!
VICTIM....
Get IMMUNED!
International Viewpoint 28 January 1984