International Viewpoint Archive

The Fourth International’s English-language review, from 1982

Malvinas War Moves Show Imperialist Threat to Humanity

International Viewpoint No. 6, 10 May 1982 · pp 3-4 · 2,397 words

Britain and Ireland Latin America

Malvinas War Moves Show

Imperialist Threat to Humanity over, the Brazilian dictatorship, right next its own deep internal crisis. With mounof British occupation as a direct result of in Central

By its response to the Argentine government's moves to assert sovereignty over the Malvina Islands, the British government has already endangered the lives of thousands of people, threatened an enand slaughter, squandered hundreds of millions of pounds that could have relieved mass deprivation in Britain, and increased the dangers to world peace and therefore to the lives of tens of millions

In all the bloody annals of British imperialist arrogance, there are few, if any, crimes so reckless and insensate. But these crimes are not simply the responsibility of the reactionary Thatcher government in particular or British imperialism

The dominant world imperialist power, the United States, has thrown its weight behind them, offering even logistic support to the British task force. the other imperialist powers have backed

Thus, the Malvinas war represents a response of the world imperialist system as a whole. dramatic sign that in its decay, imperialism is becoming not only more murderous but more and more dangerously un-

The clashes of powerful air and naval forces that began in the first days of May off the Argentine coast have already revealed great political and material weaknesses of the world imperialist system.

Thus, they have set deep tremors in motion that will continue regardless of the immediate outcome of a conflict that has escalated unexpectedly into a major world crisis, and which could quickly lead to much larger explosions.

The weaknesses of the world imperialist system are shown precisely by the fact that such a crisis could blow up over an issue such as the Malvinas. None of the governments involved have any fundamental conflict of interests there, and the interests of all of them are fundamentally threatened by the explosion of a crisis that could shake imperialist control of a vital region to its founda-

In particular, this crisis comes when faces a major revolutionary threat in Central America, and obviously was counting on the help of Argentina, which has had one of the stronger military dictatorships in Latin America. If this regime falters, the U.S. could lose more than an ally. Argentina is a major, semi-industrialized country, and at the start of the last decade it went through three full-scale urban uprisings. More4 to Argentina, which has been the other main bulwark of reaction in South America, has been breaking down in recent years, and faces the development of a new mass revolutionary workers move-

Why, then, has the move of the Argentine government to assert sovereignty over the Malvina Islands touched off a major crisis for imperialism?

Two years ago, in fact, in the so'Ridley Plan', the British foreign office recommended to negotiate Argentine sovereignty over the islands in return for a lease-back agreement. Provided the oil surrounding the islands is exploited by American and British oil companies, as it would be, this would not have threatened basic imperialist economic in-

Today, however, the British imperialists have responded to what was originally a token Argentine occupation by sending a massive military machine to the South Atlantic and initiating armed actions that could have the most far-reaching consequences on international military lineups and domestic politics.

Some of the most modern military equipment in the world is being used to attack the forces of a semi-colonial country, with which other semi-colonial countries throughout the region have been express their sympathy. The U.S.'s carefully constructed facade of Pan-American solidarity, its main diplotic and ideological cover for intervening in Latin America, has been shown to be utterly false. It is left without a rag of 'good neighborly' pretence to cover its imperialist operations. liged to offer logistic support to the British military offensive.

the U.S. has been obliged to pay a staggering price as regards its international policy in the Continent. And of the peoples of Latin against imperialist has been greatly strengThis course of events can be undestood only by looking beyond the immediate moves in this conflict to the whole situation in Latin America and the gencrisis facing imperialism today. THE LATIN AMERICAN POWDER KEG The Argentinian military ship retook the Malvinas after 150 years ting discontent coming to a head in the powerful demonstrations of 30 March in Buenos Aires and other cities, the dictatorship sought to gain popularity by satisfying the long-felt just demand of the Argentinian people for undisputed control of their national territory.

But the crisis of the Argentinian dictatorship is only one of a whole series that are developing in Latin America. The 'economic miracles' of the achieved by the iron-fisted procapitalist policies of the Latin American dictatorships have staggered to a halt amid 110 billion dollars in foreign debts. American Gross Domestic Product fell by 2% in 1981, after rising by an average of 5% a year from 1977-80

This crisis hits not only the weakest but also the most powerful Latin Ameri-

Gross Domestic Product in Brazil fell by 3.5% in 1981, after an average rise of 6% in the preceding three years, and industrial production crashed by over 9%. Estimates for the Chilean economy predict an absolute decline in production for 1982, after an average annual increase in 1977-80. Uruguayan economy grew by only 1.3% in 1981, and will probably shrink this year, after an average 5% a year expanverely hit by the oil price fall.

In Argentina, this general economic crisis has been worst of all. In 1981, the economy as a whole shrank by 6% and manufacturing production fell by 14% Inflation, at over 130%, is the worst in

As this crisis has deepened, the revolutionary movements in Central America have continued a rapid political and military advance.

Under these circumstances, the policy of U.S. imperialism under Reagan was clear. Washington made a doubleor-nothing bet on military dictatorship

In this respect, the Argentina junta was a key card. For months, the U.S. has been trying to prepare the way for the use of Argentine troops in El Salvador, either alone or as part of a wider inter-

It was to try to save the Argentine dictatorship from the consequences of its action in the Malvinas that Haig made his mammoth. shuttle diplomacy between Buenos Aires and London.

But the junta knew that it was too weak at home to risk an unpopular joint military operation with U.S. imperialism

America. It desperately

carriers and nuclear submarines were sent dramatic outrage.

needed to justify itself and its massive mihardware for something hope would be popular among the Argen-

It is poetic justice that Galtieri and his military butchers have got themselves into big trouble by their illusions in the strength and flexibility of imperialism, in the self-confidence of the imperialists in today's world.

reason that the junta dared to risk retaking the Malvinas was that they believed that Britain would make only a formal protest, or at most display a little token sabre rattling. It assumed apparently that the British governconfident enough to take an insult from a subordinate regime that needed to look tough to its own people in order to continue doing its job for its imperialist mas-

From the British lords of capital, their parvenue partners, the gangster generals, expected noblesse oblige.

But if the British government no longer had the old imperial confidence, if the lion's tail had become too sore from frequent twisting, then the U.S. presumably could be relied on to bring the Bri-

After all, it had an enormous stake in the Argentine dictatorship, as the preparations for using Argentine troops in Central America showed.

However, on the one hand, Britain remains one of the most powerful and ruthless states in the world. It possesses the third most powerful navy of any country. It is quite able and determined to defend its own interests first, and worry about its imperialist allies, even the more powerful U.S., afterward. And there is no honour among thieves.

On the other hand, British imperialism was too weak to be able to tolerate the sort of affront represented by the Argentine landing in the Malvinas. country has three million unemployed. It has the lowest standard of living of any country in Western Europe after Portugal, Spain, and Ireland. Its traditional economic structure is collapsing. The British masses over the last decade have suffered continual and drastic declines in their standard of living.

In this situation, the British capitalists need a government that can look tough, like it is firmly in control and will put things in order regardless of the

The Argentine takeover, therefore, was a severe blow to the reactionary

From the first day of the crisis, Thatcher knew that if she did not do something drastic to restore the tough image of her government, her whole political project was in danger of

So, for the sake of the credibility of

For a century, a British population many, many times the number of the few hundred on the Malvinas have lived peace-

The British aggression now endar ers not only the inhabitants of the Ma vinas but the British community in Ar-

The Argentine population will be enraged by this insult to their country. The generals could continue to look for relatively easy targets. And the fact of the matter is despite the British government's attempt to do a replay of the siege of Lucknow in Star Wars style, despite even the fact that the British military could wreck a considerable part of the world, British imperialism is quite incapable of maintaining a foothold 8,000 miles from the home island in face of the hostility and bitterness of an entire con-

There is no way now that the Malvinas can be kept British. Pearls of far greater price had to be relinquished by the British Raj in the face of far less odds.

The Thatcher government's claim that it is defending democracy and law against a lawless dictatorship is also absolutely untrue. That doesn't mean that the generals are not dictators; far from it. But their action had a democratic effect. It represented the aspirations of millions and millions of Argentines millions of Latin Americans. Moreover, it divided the forces that maintain the oppression of the Latin American masses.

After five years of one of the most brutal and total dictatorships in the history of Argentina, the masses of people got a chance to come onto the streets again to demonstrate for something that is their democratic right. create a tremendous power that will push the dictatorship further into conflict with the very forces that it depends on for its life, the imperialists.

THE RESULTS FOR BRITISH WORKERS The Argentinian retaking of the Malvinas struck a great blow in the interests of the British working class. few days, Thatcher stood on the brink of

It was the greatest crisis of her government since its election.

In fact, the Thatcher government needs to look tough mainly to press the attack on British workers. So, any successful defiance of the Thatcher government, any defeat of its arrogance rebounds directly to the benefit of British workers, whether the blow comes in Britain, the North or Ireland, or the south

In this respect, the support given to Thatcher in this crisis by the right-wing leadership of the British labour movement is a continuation of the criminal policies by which it allowed her to come to power in the first place.

British Labour Party do? They started to rebuild the credibility of this government. They supported the sending of the aircraft carriers. Dennis Healey, the deputy leader of the party, openly hailed the bombing of the Malvinas.

With this total capitulation of the Labour leadership, the Conservative government soared in popularity. A Tory ad ministration that stood at only 33% the opinion pools at the beginning of April had reached 40% by April 26. By May 1, the Tory Party stood at 43%, as compared to Labour's 30%.

This setback was not at all inevitable. Despite all the chauvinist hysteria, less than 15% of people asked in the opinion polls said they were prepared to sacrifice 100 british lives for the a position "like Tony Benn's" of oppos-

The policies of the Labour Party leadership in supporting British imperialism have already brought disaster after disaster to the British working class, the lowest standard of living of any of the developed capitalist countries. Now they have helped sustain in its moment of crisis a vicious and reactionary government which is just as great an enemy of the British working class as it is of the Argentinian.

As we go to press, however, the first clear signs of resistance to this line are appearing in parts of the British labour movement. While not accepting Argentina's just claim to sovereignty over the Malvinas, Tony Benn, the best known leader of the Labour left, and Judith Hart, chairperson of the Labour Party are increasing publicity for their opposition to the dispatch of British forces.

The Wales Trades Union Congress voted to condemn the bombing of the

Following the local government elections on May 6, which at present are preoccupying many Labour Party activists, opposition inside the Party to the line of Foot and Healey can be expected

But there should be no disguising that it will be a hard uphill fight in Britain against the line not only of imperialism but of the Labour leadership.

Nonetheless, for the workers and throughout the world, the Malvinas crisis great opportunities, as well as great responsibilities. It shows how fragile the world imperialist order is, and how precarious also is world peace. shows the threat of mass murder that hangs over every people in the neocolonial world who demand the least democratic right or concession. It shows the increasingly reckless displays of military power in which the capitalist governments capable of destroying the world feel obliged to indulge in order to main-in thair deraving credibility.

The movement in Britain and the rest of the world must mobilize to defend a reactionary government, British aircraft these crimes become an obvious and

8,000 miles to bring death and destruction to the South Atlantic.

The Thatcher government was in crisis. And what did the leaders of the

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the Argentinian people and themselves, to defend all humanity and its possibilities for the future.

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