Miners' strike opens new political situation
The September Trades Union Congress was completely favourable to the miners. In the first place, the dockers' strike has consolidated. Picketing has stepped up.
to make a clear statement of support for the Back to work moves at Tilbury and Hull have been miners' union which had the effect of isolating the Secondly, Thatcher was forced to interrupt right wing of the trade union bureaucracy on a visit to Scotland to attend an emergency Cabinet seen whether TUC policy committee meeting to discuss the implications of the can be translated into decisive action, not least in the
BRITAIN dominated by the miners' strike.
TUC leaders were stopped.
architect of the
TUC statement, has called conferences power stations, over the coming weeks and months.
union (GMBACTU) who work at power stations to
Certainly the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM)
discuss the implementation of TUC policy leaders made real concessions to get a common statement from TUC leaders.
'total support, overwhelmingly
Coal Board (NCB) have initiated further moves towards talks with the NUM, (although the government carried on the first day of Congress, calls on unions to is not yet prepared to make any serious concessions).
bar the carriage of coal, coke and other fuels across
Nevertheless, the unity of the leadership of the TUC, picket lines. But, as the Financial Times (September 3, expressed by their statement on the miners' strike, was
1984) comments, the support is agreement with the unions concerned. Chapple, rightbought at a cost. It remains to be seen whether the wing leader of the powerworkers' union, explained his price was too high. Until recently, the NUM has kept the TUC at arm's length, because of its treacherous
"The miners have been outrageous in their role in recent disputes with the government. Asked to behaviour from the start...They do not deserve any comment on the TUC statement, TUC leader Murray and they will not get it from the power denied that the statement was aimed at 'buying peace"
stations.' Nevertheless, miners' leader Scargill claimed agreement with workers at five power stations to boycott the movement of coal within days of the TUC
Originally the miners' union was set to lead the statement being voted through Congress.
battle of the left wing at the TUC congress. But fight-
Labour Party leader Neil Kinnock spoke to the TUC ing amendments to their resolution on the strike on the second day, echoing one of the main themes of were dropped to win a big majority of the union leadthe ruling class attack on the miners.
erships to support the TUC statement. A great dea explained, had provided the government 'with the now depends on whether the NUM can use the TUC opportunity they have long sought to introduce politstatement to deepen the effects of their strike. In any ically motivated change in the methods of British case, it will be necessary to organise a left wing of the policing:'
British labour movement around demands such as
Kinnock's craven speech was a right-wing provocaa national TUC Day of Action, whatever the results of tion against the miners who are defending themselves the TUC's agreement. The right wing are still mobilisagainst a vast and unprecedented police assault on their picket lines. He tried to minimise the commitment of ing to defeat the miners.
before the TUC took place, looks at the political the TUC and the labour movement to the miners by his speech, and thereby reunite the right-wing trade impact of the miners' strike in more depth.
union bureaucracy around himself
Despite Kinnock's speech (which provided legitimation for Chapple and other right-wing leaders) early reactions to and results of the TUC statement appear
Brian HERON
From the moment that it started, the
British miner's strike was a fundamental class battle. (1) In the first seventeen weeks of the strike, the Thatcher government pretended that it was not involved.
Thatcher claimed that the question was one to be solved by the NCB (National
Coal Board) and its recently chosen
American manager, MacGregor, and the
NUM (National Union of Mineworkers.)
In fact 20,000 police were mobilised for action against the miners' pickets. So far there have been nearly 4,000 arrests and two pickets have been killed. As well, the social security system has been used to starve miners' families back to work.
By July Thatcher was forced out of her corner.
She indelibly marked the of her government with the future aim of victory in the miners' strike. She explained that while Galtieri (the Argen-
4 miners' strike. conditional on at the congress. is involved."
The NUM, he tinian dictator during the Malvinas war) had been 'the enemy without', during the coal strike 'we are fighting the enemy within? With this particularly inept comment, Thatcher both exposed the role of the Malvinas war and her attitude toward the trade union movement.
Of course her comments caused a storm of protest. But, most importantly, they marked the end of the supposed neutralism of the government. Naturally, the spotlight now moves onto the labour movement response. The coming Trades Union Congress (representing 9.5 million trade unionists) which meets in early September will be the forum where a labour movement response to the government's declaration of war is decided.
In fact, solidarity action by the whole of the working class has always been the issue in this miners' strike. It has been established by the press that considerable government effort has gone into preof the members of his Finally, the employers, the National "The important thing is that the TUC
The article below, written September 6, 1984 venting other important sections of workers taking action during the miners' strike. According to the Economist (August 18, 1984), "Two forces could disturb the crumbling of the strike [the Economist article predicts victory for the government by next Spring]. The first would be new trouble at the docks.... Second...executives of the two main rail unions want to fight job reductions on the railways by a one day strike...along with an unlimited work to rule campaign designed to disrupt services.'
In fact there has already been a national dockers' strike after the British Steel Corporation (BSC) broke existing agreements in loading iron ore for steel
See Steve Roberts Miners' strike most serious challenge yet to Thatcher' (Internation-
Viewpoint, No 50, April 9, 1984) and Pat Hickey Labour movement left challenges new realism' (IV, No 53, May 21, 1984).
International Viewpoint 17 September 1984
production at the east coast port . Immingham. The Transport and General Workers Union (which organises the vast majority of dockers) called a national strike against this breach of the hard-won dock labour scheme (a scheme that guarantees every docker a job, regardless of the demand for dock labour). The scheme had been under attack for some time. On this occasion the port authorities found that BSC had acted to breach the agreement. After two weeks strike by dockers (in which the president of the Confederation of British Industry remarked that only 25 percent of his member companies would be working in two weeks if the strike continued) the climb-down by employers meant a return to work.
The action of the dockers underlined the strategic weakness of the government. The Economist's fears are not without foundation. Any decisive section of the workers' movement coming into struggle alongside the miners will create a desperate emergency for the government.
As we write, a new dock strike has been called. The Ostia, a ship loaded with coal for the Scottish Ravenscraig steel works, has been unloaded at Hunterston docks by British Steel Corporation employees. "Scab coal delivered by scab labour', said miners' president Scargill. In the first instance Scottish dockers at Scotland's twelve largest prots walked out. A national conference of Transport and General Workers Union dock workers, representing 35,000 docks and waterways workers, called an official strike following the conference on August 24. The bosses' and government's game
Certainly BSC's action is a deliberate provocation which, because of its consequences, must have been agreed to by the government. In fact Transport Union dockers have already offered a substantial coal quota to the Ravenscraig plant (within 5,000 tonnes of BSC's demands). BSC
In the second place, although some
*sponses have been mixed (Lover and Felixstowe delegates voted against; rue third of the workers at Imraingham are working normally along those at Barry in Wales) seventy per cent of British docks are closing or have already closed.
Of course, a huge media campaign is underway to pretend that the dockers are substantially split, but the Financial Times of Saturday August 25, is in no mood to fake the situation. title 'Start to second national stoppage well underway' the article explains the TGWU's strategy is likely to be to widen the dispute rapidly.' quickly became clear with the announcement by the rail unions that they were instructing members not to cross dockers' picket lines. It had not yet been decided whether the action had been limited to freight traffic. There was no indication yet whether dockers would picket crosschannel ferry ports, where railway unions dominate the workforce.
Industry, said the strike 'could have a disastrous effect on the economy First to be hit would be bulk imported raw materials. The effects would quickly spread to food, components and finished goods. It is clear therefore that the government faces a major crisis.
If the government is relying on the early collapse of the trade union movement, there is no sign yet that it will occur. However, the situation inside the trade union movement is far from rosy. Besides the effects of the crisis and the slump, divided reaction to the miners' strike shows that arguments still have to be won. enough, been concerned to win a united front from the TUC to back its struggle. The NUM resolution commits the TUC to a levy, which would raise £1 million per week, and outlaws the crossing of miners trade unionists. ing on a large scale with lorrydrivers in the TGWU and steel workers in the Iron and Steel Trades Confederation (ISTC).
NUM leader Scargill addresses women's support demo (DR) the government believe act will 'expose' the fact that dockers are being brought into action because of the miners' dispute, and not to serve their own interests. They seek to weaken the working class response to the miners' strike by a salutory lesson about the divisions inside the trade union movement just before the Trades Union Congress
In fact it is a deadly and dangerous game that the government and the steel employers are playing. In the first place the solidarity action that dockers had taken with the coal miners is strictly illegal according to the government's own trade union laws. And yet, to the disappointment of sections of the employers, the government does not feel strong enough to apply those laws to decisive sections of the trade union movement. International Viewpoint 17 September 1984
The dockers' action is already incredibly damaging to the British economy. And the 'spread out' character of this strike has only just begun. nelly, the TGWUs national dock secretary, said on August 24 that an appeal would be made to the union's executive council for 'physical support from other sections of the union. Towards the end of July's dock strike, national leaders of TGWU lorry drivers, oil tanker drivers and refinery workers promised support but were not at that stage called on to take any action.
A recent survey of business optimism taken at the end of July shows a dramatic slump from a previous poll. Only 28 per cent of Britain's directors felt that there was reason for optimism, compared with 65 per cent in June. The employers organisation, the Confederation of British
The furniture-builders' union FTAT had an amendment to the NUM resolution calling for a national TUC-called Day of Action.
Initially, this amendment (along with others from the rail unions and seamen on the levy) appeared to be acceptable to the movers of the original resolution, the NUM. The amendment calls on the TUC's governing General Council to organise a day of solidarity action as soon as practicable. But now the amendment appears to have become the victim of back door manoeuvrings by trade union bosses. At the time of writing, the NUM did not support the 'day of action' amendment, apparently in the interests of presenting a united face with the TUC leaders against the government.
In fact, the call for a day of solidarity is not built on sand. Although mass un-
5
march' (IV, No 55, June 18, 1984).
International Viewpoint 17 September 1984 employment has existed for more than new leader of the Labour Party, desix years and is still growing; although a nounced any 'big bang' or general strike series of groups of workers (like the steelin support of the miners in a speech in workers in 1980) have suffered defeats;
when it was raised that important advances in the types of trademiners' leaders were conspiring with left trade-union leaders for this. Up to now, union struggle have also been registered since the election of the first Tory govhe has contented himself with 'evenhandedly attacking the violence of the picket ernment in 1979.
For example, the healthworkers dispute (in 1981) saw lines. Yet, it is apparent to anyone with enormous solidarity actions taken by eyes to watch the nightly edited telemillions of workers in 'Days of Action' vision commentary that the 'violence' of on behalf of the healthworkers who the picket lines is entirely the violence of could not leave the sick.
a police force mobilised to destroy
The beginning of the miners' strike miners' picket lines. This police violence saw a continuation of this tradition at has already killed two pickets. Despite the level of calls to action by the varthe obvious role of the police, and the ious regional TUC's (Scotland, Wales, government (most recently exposed in the North West, Southern Region, etc.).
their methods in the North of Ireland
These Regional Days of Action' mob.
ilised millions of workers behind the tic bullet at a peaceful meeting), Kinnock often, but not always, through remains more frightened of the mobiliminers,
24-hour strike action. At the same time a sation of the labour movement than the massive movement of miners' solidarity with the strike has been estab-
Despite Kinnock, a massive left wing lished, which spearheads the battle for of the labour movement has grown up
'social' solidarity (money, food, etc) and around the strike. Its head is firmly in which called a solidarity demonstration the Labour Party, if its feet are on the of 20,000 in London on August 11. (2)
The miners' wives movement is therehas seen the spectacular expansion and by also playing a leading political role in growth in self-confidence of the movewinning support for the strike.
ment at the base of the Labour Party and
The miners' and the dockers' actions trade unions led by Benn and Scargill.
will dominate the coming TUC congress.
The leadership of the movement is, for
The question will be hard to avoid of its own reasons, committed to a victory whether these strikes are supported by the leadership of the trade-union move-
The right wing of the trade-union leadership may be let off the hook in terms of the wording of a resolution port the strike.
which they feel they can support. It may now not be necessary to put their own resolution (which up to now was very much on the cards) openly demonstrating the split in the labour movement
At leadership that everyone knows is there.
voted organised for
The left/right divide course the
The right wing sought, through a general resolution moved on behalf of the
TUC's ruling committee, to express vague support for the miners and perhaps committing any money to a miners' family
"hardship fund' rather than to-
Thatcher majority.
wards the costs of the dispute.
Such a claimed the Financial motion,
Times
(August 18, 1984) 'could be promoted addition to the NUM motion as an than as an alternative [which] rather
In if passed, would allow Congress the op.
tion as to whether to adopt a militant or moderate vent split,, posture, as necessary to pre-
But, whether the right wing have their own motion or not as the Financial
Times reports (August 18, 1984):
"The
Congress is increasingly seen as the focus for decisions on the strike at every level?
miners'
The only question is whether the workers' movement will see the completely opposed right-wing and left-wing choices spelt out, or whether, as is more normal, they will have to read between the lines.
The right wing have found support in
Kinnock, the some important places.
6 working pits movement.
union struggle.
working class miners.
field.
Camp well.
appear appears cians' and order'.
costing
At the same wives movement platforms.
to the right-wing
The success of the
CURI
### POINT OF AYR
EEDOYOUR HE SNUL volving the banning of movement by miners between certain counties, vast phone taps (exposed by some telecommunications workers), has polarised the labour movement leadership. Against these police state' tactics the Labour and trade-union lefts are calling for further support of the trade union and labour movement for the miners' union. Calls for such support have led to the current second dock strike; but the whole labour movement needs to be won to support these strikes if Thatcher is to be beaten.
Such a perspective inevitably requires the defeat of the right-wing leadership of a large section of the labour movement today. The struggle between this left wing of the labour movement and the right wing will dominate this year's TUC Congress however much the curtain is drawn over the struggle. The Bennite left wing has also been thoroughly associated with the important retreat of the Thatcher government on the issue of local government. The government was defeated in the Houses of Parliament (by the Lords!) in their attempt to close down the London local authority, led by Ken Livingstone who is known as one of the country's most radical Bennites. This defeat was seen as part of the process of the government losing its touch' in British politics.
So, increasingly, the Bennites are seen as the most effective opposition to the Thatcher government. According to the Economist of July 7, *Mrs Thatcher's second government is stepping out to become Britain's most inept since the
WAERS 'L M COA - NỘT DOL: COAL NOT O DOLE International Viewpoint 17 September 1984
KEEP
YoUr COAL
DOLE THATCHER PAYS POLICE
TO STARVE KIDS
Despite real hardship for their families... war? Much of that can be put down to the actions of the Bennite left wing of the labour movement.
The Bennites are clear in their perspectives for the strike. At the end of June Benn said the following at a public rally in solidarity with the miners:
"There are two things which the movement should be doing right now for the miners. First, trade unionists in a whole range of industries and services should plan to take industrial action where they work. This would be the best and most direct way to help now, and no one need wait for permission to begin. We have learnt that from the women's movement. An extension of strike action would directly assist the NUM and give them a tremendous boost at the same time. Secondly, the National Executive committee of the Labour Party should organise a national demonstration, invite Arthur Scargill and other trade union leaders and members of the women's support groups to speak alongside leading members of the Labour Party, to launch a sustained national political campaign that must go on until the miners win. The financial and moral support that has come from the movement has been much appreciated. But it has been left to the miners and their families to carry the main burden. They are fighting for us and we cannot let them fight alone.
This is the Bennite "programme of action' around the strike. Everybody on the left will wholeheartedly agree with that programme. It remains to be seen how far the fight will be carried to or..miners' wives are militant in their support (FR)
IF ALIVICT
COAL
NoT
DOLE COAL
NOT
DOLE
ganise a left wing now around that programme of action, and how far the Bennites will be prepared to go dividing the labour movement leadership - the better to knit together its ranks. Often, victories at the level of the bureaucratic leadership of the labour movement are confused by the Bennites with victories in the movement as a whole. But at this stage there is no way around the disunity of the labour movement leadership, no way around an open challenge to the scabbing right wing. By bringing forward that challenge, on the issue of the miners' strike and now the dockers' strike, a new unity of the broader movement around the strikes is possible. Two decisive congresses
But the Bennite leadership is itself a fraction of the labour bureaucracy (although it is in a tiny minority). Consequently, the struggles which it conducts i have as their end the reform of that bureaucracy...on Bennite lines! For that reason there are important limits to how far the Bennites will go at this TUC and the following Labour Party Conference.
The coming TUC and the Labour Party Conference scheduled for the end of September will determine much of the future of the miners dispute, the Bennite section of the leadership of the labour movement which supports that dispute, and the prospects of the Thatcher government itself. But these Congresses will not end the story. A July national conference of the NUM saw miners' leader Scargill prepare the ranks of the miners for a dispute lasting well into the winter. The 'drift back to work' campaign of the employers and the government is, in the words of the Economist, (August 18, 1984) 'hardly even a trickle for the moment, with a rise of only 700 in those working since the start of July.'
The Economist (which backs the government to the hilt) sees the spotting of what it calls rebel miners (or scabs) bv 'right-wing newspapers' as this season's equivalent to the number of sightings of the Loch Ness monster (another completely unserious activity). In fact, the figures belie any 'drift back to work' Of Britain's 180 pits, 130 are completely stopped. The vast majority of the rest are producing at much below their normal capacity. These figures have been more or less the same since the start of the strike, twenty-two weeks ago.
The resilience and self-sacrifice of the miners and their families has dramatically shaken up the British labour movement. For example, it has produced two dock strikes so far! That process will not stop at the end of the TUC and Labour Party Congresses - whatever their outcome. But in every corner of the British labour movement it is recognised that these two Congresses, should they wish, have the power to bring speedy victory against what increasingly looks like a 'lame duck' government.