ла Philippines Liberating the left Mark Johnson Many party militants concentrate on organising the poorest sectors of Since 1992, large sections of the society-poor peasant, rural workers Philippine left have thrown off the and urban "squatter" communities. Maoist straitjacket, and embraced a This is long term work, requiring a more dynamic-and democratic- high level of commitment and patience. "If the aim was recruitrevolutionary strategy, based on the self-organisation of the oppressed. ment, we'd do things differently, says Quezon. "but we realise that it is Guerrilla war has given way to mass political activity. Women's liberation not us the party which will make the is no longer a secondary question. revolution, but the working people. And the diversity of left thinking is So they must have strong, indepenrecognised as an asset, rather than a dent organisations." weakness. This new model of mass work also
In May 1998, most of the anti- ensures that the party is constantly Maoist revolutionaries came together testing elements of its programme in to establish the Revolutionary the real world Workers Party (RPM-P) The party itself is still clandestine.
The new party has Permanent But militants participate in a wide Observer status in the Fourth Interna- range of "above-ground" activities. tional [which sponsors this maga- The RPM-P is a disciplined party, zine.] According to party spokesman but far from monolithic.And the Harry Quezon, "the International social structure-and class strugglehelped us replace Maoism with a varies from one island to another. more critical, dynamic Marxism. We This dossier presents the chalalso absorbed many ideas about lenges facing progressive groups in party democracy, pluralism, and the mass organising work. Where need for the party to build genuine, possible, we indicate the link betautonomous social movements, ween mass organising and broader rather than simply focus on its own strategic questions. recruitment." Such a dossier is inevitably partial.
The successive splits in the Commu- In future issues we will report on nist Party of the Philippines have urban labour organising and the obviously weakened the left in the indigenous peoples' struggle. short term. But Quezon is convinced We will also present some of the that the move way from "protracted radical left currents which have people's war" strategy has made it focused on electoral and legal work. much easier to organise the rural and This may be the first time that an urban poor around their immediate ex-Maoist current has embraced so much of the thinking which this concerns.
The armed struggle is not being magazine tries to articulate. abandoned, but guerrilla units now This is a two-way process. In concentrate on defending the gains adapting those ideas to their work in of the mass movement, and protec- the mass movements, they have ting activists, rather than winning created a synthesis which deserve territory. territory. closer study. * 20 International Viewpoint #313 July 1999
Peace caravan
The militarisation of Mindanao cannot crush the national liberation struggles of the
Moro and the indigenous peoples. A broad peace movement is reaching out to all sectors of the population, articulating the national and social demands of all the oppressed sectors.
In December 1998 President Joseph
CO
"Erap" Estrada authorised an escalation de of the conflict in the southern island of pa
Mindanao. Armed Forces of the Philipthe pines surrounded and attacked Moro
İslamic Liberation Movement (MILF)
camps and territories. Many civilians tio were displaced, their properties were firu destroyed.
The regime reactivated the CAFGUs ge
(Citizens Armed Forces Geographical
Units), vigilantes, and fanatic groups trained for anti-insurgency campaigns.
Vigilantes and fanatics were tasked to sow intrigues between the majority
O1
Christian "Filipino"
settlers, the Muslim
Moro people, and the indigenous tribes
(Lumads).
Death squads returned to the streets of urban centres like Iligan, Cagayan,
Marawi, and Cotabato. These groups are organised by high-ranking officers of the
Philippine National Police (PNP), the
AFP, the military intelligence, and politiatt cians. They claim to pursue common rel criminals, drug traffickers, kidnappers, po and car-jackers. But they also target ag insurgents and progressive movements.
Mi
These events are part of the grand
MI plan of the military hierarchy specifically
(In the Commander in Chief President
Estrada. He desperately wants parliament to ratify an expensive modernisation programme for the Armed Forces of the tio lea
Philippines (AFP). To justify this
Pro spending, he needs to "create" chaotic situations. In the AFP modernisation car programme, military forces will be sec streamlined and their skills will be
Ka upgraded particularly in combat tactics.
wh
Armaments will also be modernised.
sol
The Philippine Government needs the help of the United States for this moder-
"T nisation. In exchange, Washington will be able to base US troops in the Philipfor pines (all US bases were closed after the
Cil fall of the Marcos dictatorship).
Org
There was massive public opposition
NC to the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA).
Fo
People remember all too well the
Pe political and social consequences of the
8,0 old US bases in the Philippines.
•KAMALANN
APATIRAN NG MI
NC UNYON SA
PAT MOT
The VFA will not offer stability to the country. In fact, it will hinder peace and development efforts. Opposition is particularly strong in Mindanao, where the US will intervene to support the 80% of Philippine troops already deployed to fight the Muslim and communist revolutionary groups, and protect multinational fruit plantations.
The Mindanao-wide campaign for genuine peace and sustainable development culminated with a Tri-People Peace Caravan (Christian Filipinos, Muslim Moros and anamist indigenous peoples). Overview
To achieve genuine and lasting peace, all sectors and groups of people in Mindanao have to work together and develop concrete proposals that will address the basic issues confronting the peoples in the island without prejudice to their cultural differences.
The Tri-People Peace Caravan was an attempt to reach out to all ethnicreligious and social sectors of the population, and elaborate a common agenda for peace and development in Mindanao. It was a shared effort of Muslim, Christian, and Lumad (indigenous) groups.
The caravan was sponsored by a coalition of NGOs, community organisations, local government officials, and leaders and activists from the Catholic, Protestant and Muslim communities.
The coalition mandated the socialist campaign centre ALAB-Katipunan as the secretariat for the caravan. ALABKatipunan is the leading radical force which promotes a tri-people and social solution to Mindanao's problems. "The Spark"
The spark that ignited the "journey for peace" was generated in the Muslim City of Marawi. A Prayer Rally was organised by the Mindanao Muslim NGO's Coalition Against RP-US Visiting Forces Agreement and supported by the Peace Advocates of Ranaw (PAR). The 8,000 participants came from all over the
N
Lanao del Sur region.
A Manifesto for peace entitled the
First Mindanao Declaration was read and distributed during the rally. This Manitesto expresses the Muslim people's reasons for rejecting the VFA.
The Prayer Rally was highlighted by a symbolic "killing" of the Visiting Forces Agreement. A 95-year old Muslim clad in a traditional warrior costume danced and used his "kris" (a traditional, highly symbolic sword) to destroy the effigy of an American GI soldier, representing the United States Government. With all his strength he cut its arms and legs and then its head. This elicited loud applause from the crowd.
The Caravan travelled across the island, talking to local people about the VFA, the militarisation of Mindanao, and the need to respect the national rights of the Moro and Lumad peoples. Lumad groups like the Higaonons asked the Caravan participants to help them recuperate their ancestral land which was taken from them through deceit and legal manipulation. Workers unite against globalisation
The caravan gave an extra impetus to May day celebrations across Mindanao. In Iligan City, union leaders discussed globalisation, privatisation, and the role of workers in the over-all struggle for social change. In Cotabato City, the main themes were Overseas Filipino Workers (OFs), agricultural workers, and the indigenous people. The May Day rally also saluted the 13 vehicles prepared for the second caravan, which left the following day from Cotabato City to Kidapawan City.
Meanwhile, in Davao City, the peace caravan Joined over 7,000 workers' in a March/Rally celebrating the International Day of Labour. Speakers emphasised the ill-effects of globalisation to job security. Other speakers stressed the need for workers' unity in this period of massive contractualisation and retrenchment.
Caravan participants carried "peso for peace" collection boxes to raise funds for the next stage of their mission.
In unity there ic ctranath In unity there is strength
On May 2, the two groups of Caravan riders converged in front of the
Kidapawan City Hall. Weariness seemed to vanish now that they were many—57 vehicles and more than 2,000 Caravan riders.
After speeches from the Diocese of
Kidapawan and a city government official. Lumads Caravan ridere official, Lumads Caravan riders presented a courtship dance, and youth activists presented an interpretative dance that tackles the issue of the environment. A very successful concert was held with the participation of the
Manila-based group Agaw Agimat.
After the concert, students and out-
OI-school youth from all over the area of-school youth from all over the area held the first Mindanao-wide youth/ student consultation. They talked about the Peace Proposals and formed a
Mindanao Youth and Student Coordinated Body to spearhead the Campaign against Commercialisation of Education.
The following day, the caravan set out on its final journey, swelled by another 48 vehicles. The closing rally in
General Santos City attracted about
15,000 people. An inter-faith prayer was followed by speeches coming from different organisations, but mostly from the religious groups. Bishops and priests from the Diocese of Butuan, Kidapawan, Marbel and the Archdiocese of Cotabato spoke against the Visiting Forces Agreement. Representatives from the Muslim and Lumad group also shared their views of the VFA and their respective agenda for peace.
After music from Agaw Agimat, a group of young students from General Santos City performed a dance depicting the history of resistance of the Mindanao people against foreign dominations. The rally closed with the rereading of the Manifesto which basically called for the "death of VFA".