* European Union
Opposition in crisis
Europe's left and green parties are divided in their response to the Kosovo crisis. François Vercammen reports In September 1998 Gerhardt Schroeder promised that "German troops would only go outside our frontiers if they have a UN mandate." But the country's new Chancellor used the recent SPD congress to block a left-wing motion opposing any NATO ground war in Yugoslavia. Schroeder successfully imposed a motion approving the bombing campaign, though without counting the votes for and against.
In response, the left within the SPD went public with its opposition to the war. Federations in Bremen, SchleswigHolstein and Munich issued proclamations, as did the "Frankfurt Circle" (led by Detler von Larcher) and eight SPD members of parliament, including Andrea Nahles, president of the Party's youth wing (Yusos). Former minister Oskar Lafontaine has also condemned the war.
In Britain, eleven Labour Members of Parliament, mostly from the socialist "Campaign Group" voted against the government on 19 April. Most are very anti-NATO, but say little about Milosevic's regime and its Kosovo policy. Tony Benn MP opposes the "war of aggression" on the basis that use of force hasn't been authorised by the United Nations, He believes that a peace conference convened by the UN is the way forward.
The other wing of the traditional socialist left, led by former London Council leader Ken Livingstone, are outspoken supporters of the NATO bombings. Livingstone compares Milosevic to Hitler. The US has no "imperial plan" in the region and therefore can be supported, he argues. "It is the duty of the nations that have the military power to protect individual communities from systematic genocide by evil regimes. Where the West has the power and uses it wisely, I will support that intervention".
The anti-war left has won widespread 8 International Viewpoint #312 June 1999 support in the cultural world. Those condemning NATO include the prestigious New Left Review, the writer Harold Pinter, filmmaker Ken Loach, and feminist writer Germaine Greer.
The Scottish National Party and the Wales Party (Plaid Cymru) are also opposed to NATO intervention. Both parties describe themselves as social democratic, and are to the left of Blair's New Labour on many issues.
French Prime Minister Lionel Jospin has had little difficulty containing dissidents within the ruling Socialist Party. The Socialist Left current (Gauche socialiste) of Gérard Filoche, Jean-Luc Melanchon and Julien Dray has spoken out against the NATO bombing and in favour of Kosovar rights. But they focus their criticism on "US tutorship", rather than on France's SP-led government.
Jean-Pierre Chevenement's Citizen's Movement (MDC), a dissident faction outside the socialist party, but strongly represented in the government, has a much clearer anti-war position. Though MDC leaders like Sami Nair's continue to stress their loyalty to the Jospin government.
There was little initial support for the NATO intervention in Italy, though a majority of voters seem to support NATO bombing. The first to speak out against the bombings were the Refounded Communists (PRC) and the Pope. Italy is a key base for the NATO intervention, and centre-left Prime Minister Massimo D' Alema has manoeuvred hard to maintain elite consensus and public support for the intervention.
Italy's government is an unusually broad coalition, within which a number of left currents have criticised D'Alema, though stop short of anything that could bring down the government. 119 of Italy's 630 MPs have demanded a NATO ceasefire, opposed a ground intervention, and condemned ethnic cleansing though stressing their "loyal and total support for the government." This dissident platform has been signed by all the Green MPs, supporters of ex-PRC leader Armando Cossuta, and dissidents within the DS and PPI. Gul
With pro-NATO leaders like former pro Prime Minister Filipe Gonzalez and mei current NATO president Javier Solana, uns Spain's social democrats (PSOE) support gov the conservative government's prointervention discourse. Only three SUE intervention discourse. Only three PSOE the MPs, from the Socialist Left current of t abstained in the vote approving Spanish MP participation in the NATO campaign.
stat Greens abo
The war is the first real challenge for D'A those Greens in government (France, Germany, Italy) and those, like the time Belgian Greens, who hope to share nati power soon. In the face of ethnic clean- both sing which reminds many Europeans of Dut the rise of fascism in the 1930s, many Greens have theorised the need for a gov "humanitarian war". But there is a clear distinction between those who are just the confused, and those who have cons- to 1 ciously decided to join the establishment, leac whatever the cost. deb
The lies, manoeuvres and treachery gov has been particularly painful for part Germany's Greens, with their leader Joschka Fischer at the centre of the Bel German imperialist government. Many call members and local leaders are leaving irac the party. Others openly oppose their rea party's pro-war discourse. Seven Green cal deputies (including Christian Ströbele link and Annelie Butenbach) voted against Ser military intervention on 26 March. Ko Environment Minister Gila Altman has Tho refused to resign after she criticised sigr German participation in the NATO Ag aggression. In Tübingen, Green leader for Claudia Haydt has resigned. Some of act these anti-war Greens have since joined "co the ex-Communist PDS.
Over 700 members of the Greens Th signed Uli Cremer's open letter protesting the party's "Crossing of the the Rubicon."
France's Greens are a solid Sta component of Jospin's left coalition Arr government. Party spokesman Daniel cen Cohn-Bendit and Green MP Noël tr11 Mamère are NATO's most jingoistic Be supporters. More than 70% of National lea Committee members approved a resolu- Mi tion calling for the transformation of Kosovo into a protectorate (a "humanitarian zone"), with a police presence to separate the two sides, aid to refugees, and a Balkan conference.
The party was totally opposed to the Gulf war, so this shift in policy is provoking widespread unease among the members. But the party leadership is unshaken in its loyalty to the Jospin government.
The minority of Greens who oppose the war are led by Martine Billard (one of the party's four spokespersons) and MP M.-H. Aubert.
Italy's Green MPs have all signed a statement demanding a ceasefire (see above) and threaten to walk out of the D'Alema government —"next time"
The war comes at an inconvenient time for Belgian greens. With regional, national and European elections in June, both the French-speaking Ecolos and the Dutch-speaking Agalev were preparing to enter national and regional government as junior coalition partners.
The pacifist origins of these parties in the early 1980s make it hard for leaders to impose a more "realist" line. Green leaders were silent in the parliamentary debate on the war. Luckily for them, the government didn't allow a vote on participation in the NATO campaign.
At the start of the NATO bombing, Belgian greens supported what they called a "humanitarian intervention." But traditional anti-war sentiments have reasserted themselves. Ecolo is now calling for "an end to the bombing, linked to the simultaneous withdrawal of Serbian forces and the militias of the Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK)." Though none of the party's MPs has signed this new statement. On 2 April, Agalev spokesman Van Dienderen called for an unconditional halt to NATO activity. Ecolo continued to call for a "conditional" halt. The Communist Parties
For some of Europe's Communists, the Balkan war, and Milosevic's regime, is the last act of the death agony of Stalinism. Italy's former CP strongman Armando Cossuta, now a minister in the centre-left government, made a pathetic trip to France, Berlin, Moscow and Belgrade, in a futile attempt to unify CP leaders and play a mediator role between Milosevic and the west.
There are remnants of either NATO or Milosevic" cold-war thinking in most of Europe's CPs, as well as nostalgia for "actually existing socialism."
But despite the regular contacts between these parties, in the European parliament and in ad hoc conferences, there seems to be little consensus or appetite for coordinated activities.
There is a broad spectrum of opinion and engagement in the anti-war movement, with the Greek KKE the most militant and anti-NATO, and the French Communist party the most hesitant and inactive. Obviously, a NATO ground intervention could stimulate many more CP members across Europe into anti-war activity.
Greece has strong traditions of antiBritish and anti-American sentiments, which fuel anti-imperialist consciousness. So does US support for Turkey, and Greece's cultural and economic ties with Serbia.
The KKE has always been pro-Milosevic, even supporting the notorious ethnic cleansers Arkan and Karadzic. But the party's large implantation, particularly in the labour movement, has enabled it to play a decisive role in real mass mobilisations against the war. Soldiers and sailors have refused to be mobilised. There have been occupations of airports, and blockades of US ships in Greek ports.
The leadership of the French CP has tried to reassure both anti-war militants and its partners in government. All criticism of NATO is balanced by statements that the party is absolutely committed to remaining in the Jospin government! Trade union sol international
"Recognising that even at this time of conflict and crisis, any future settlement will require economic regeneration of Kosova,
Yugoslavia, and the wider region, we believes that preparations should be undertaken now to put in place a Balkan 'Marshall Plan' for the economic regeneration of former Yugoslavia, focusing primarily but not solely on the parts most severely affected by war, this initiative to be introduced swiftly after the reaching of a satisfactory
Italy's Refounded Communists have the potential to organise massive resistance to the war. After successful political mobilisations against the NATO bombings, with demonstrations of 4080,000, the party is well placed to organise any future social protests against the war. Any land intervention would stop the trade union confederations (CGIL, CISL, UIL) from blocking the anti-war movement with their "propeace" discourse which, in reality, gives support to the D'Alema government.
Over 100,000 people marched in Rome on 3 April, and 50,000 demonstrated the following week. A 3000-strong demonstration at the Aviano air base in Northern Italy (used by NATO warplanes) was brutally attacked by the police. On Thursday, 22nd April, over 600 shop stewards gathered in the Milan CGIL trade union headquarters and called on the national leadership of the three main trade union federations (CGIL, CISL and UIL) to organise a general strike against the war.
In the town of Massa, in Tuscany, the official unions, CGIL, CISL and UIL, organised a four hour provincial general strike on 19th April. About 5,000 people participated, including school teachers carrying a banner with this extract from a Bertold Brecht poem: "Among the vanquished the poor people went hungry, among the victors the poor people went hungry." idarity Workers' Aid political and security settlement for Kosova....
"We are following the example set by our Italian colleagues and are asking Scottish trade unionists to give an hour's pay to help the Kosovans, and asking their bosses to match the money contributed.
"We will channel the funds raised through organisations such as Scottish European Aid and Workers Aid, with which we worked during the Bosnian war."
Scottish Trade Union Congress International Viewpoint #312 June 1999 9