Bus strike
Over 16,000 Swedish bus drivers challenged their government's commitment to neoliberalism and privatisation. Peter Lindgren reports.
The strike started on February 25, but expanded dramatically in early
March, forcing the employers to sign a compromise deal on 9 March.
Kommunal, the union of public employees had demanded a wageraise of three percent instead of the one percent offered by the employers. The final deal is 6.15%, over the next two years.
But the real issue is working hours. According to union negotiator, Anders Wettemark, "you could start work at six in the morning, have one or two breaks during the day and quit your job at ten in the evening."
The union demanded that all work in a 24 hour period be confined to a 12 hour span, ensuring that drivers have a reasonable amount of free time and rest. The employers offered a maxium span of 16 hours. The final agreement was 13.5 hours.
According to Wettemark, "this is good for the few places where employers are especially wild in their behaviour, but in Stockholm, the average span is already 13 hours.
12 International Viewpoint #310 April 1999
As well as the military command and the State Department (now headed by Madeleine Albright, proud of her Czech origin), a considerable role was played by "ethnic" lobbies, groups representing Americans of central and east European origin.
Plus, of course, the defence industry, already hungry for the lion's share of the military reconversion market in Moscow's former satellite states, which would have to completely retool their armed forces, so as to make them compatible with NATO weaponry (the principle of "interoperability").
In this epoch of neoliberal faith, when balanced budgets have become a sacred principle, the US Senate was much more concerned about the cost of this operation than the European countries, despite their efforts to cut public spending in preparation of European Monetary Union.
While management imposes split shifts at its own conveniences, the time between breaks can be as much as five hours. "Many drivers say the strike is about the right to go to the toilet!" This had now been resolved. "After two hours at the wheel, the driver will have the right to a 6-11 minutes break. After three hours s/he will have a break of
8-15 minutes.
The privatisation of public urban transport began in 1989, with private operator invited to submit the lowest possible tender to provide a fixed service. Competition is stiff, and the various companies see driver flexibility as a key means to reduce costs.
"We have paid a heavy price for this EU-instigated system," says
Anders Wettemark. "But this is also the reason why the drivers were so solid behind the strike."
According to Wettemark, member of the radical left Socialist
Party, this is the most important strike of the 1990s.
Swedish legislation still reflects the influence of the strong labour movement. At 84%, Sweden's rate of union affiliation is the highest in the world. The state appointed mediators had no right to force any of the parties in a conflict to sign an agreement. "On the highly organised Swedish labour market, strikebreaking is not allowed during legal strikes. No-one, not even conservatives, promotes strike-
Assisted by the NATO bureaucracy, the American administration prepared a grotesque under-estimation of the costs of NATO expansion. In 1996 the
Congressional Budget Office estimated that integration of the four Visegrad countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech
Republic and Slovakia) would cost 61-
125 billion dollars over the first 15 years.
The US Defence Department claimed expansion would cost no more than
$35bn over 13 years, with the US contrithe bution not exceeding two billion dollars
Api over ten years! In late 1997 NATO's
VOLE
Military Committee came to the rescue, lon claiming that the three-country enlargever ment plan would cost only 1.5bn over ten
NA years, with the USA only paying 25% of doc the total. The Defence Department whi rejected its own calculations, and sed declared agreement with the new,
Ser ridiculously low "estimate."
dec
After four days of animated debate, fore the breaking."
mel
The strike was expected to be a of long one. Both sides had funds for a
Eur long fight. The employers' costs
HuI were covered by the national
The employers association SAF.
• During the strike, Wettemark argued that "the decisive factor will in be the reaction of the general th public. That's why it is so important
A for us to launch a campaign
• explaining what our motives are.
We will collect signatures amongst the public, demanding that the
C employers sign an agreement
• acceptable for the union.
One opinion poll on the first day
CC of the strike showed 85% public support for the strike. By the last
E day of the strike, this had fallen, but only to 77% According re
Wettemark "this is a very hopeful sign. Many, many people are experiencing the same problems as we in their jobs. Not only public employees has suffered during these last neoliberal years."
Swebus is the country's largest road transport company, with 30% of the market. The company was privatised several years ago, and sold to the British multinational
Stagecoach, an infamous union- busting company. In December 1998
Stagecoach drivers in New Zealand at their new struck in protest employer's anti-union behaviour.
This was the first attempt by
Stagecoach to try the same tactics in
Sweden.
The results were inconclusive. In their press statement following the settlement, the employers said "perhaps we have been too interested in bringing down costs. Maybe in the future we shall try harder to attract more passengers." *
NAVY the Madrid accord was ratified on 30 April, by a comfortable majority of 80 votes in the 100-seat senate. Though the long (7,000 word) resolution contained very precise instructions and limits on NATO development and its new strategic doctrine. By fixing some of the issues which would otherwise have been discussed at NATO's Washington summit, the Senate confirmed the continued dual decision-making process in American foreign policy.
According to the Senate resolution, the main justification for NATO enlargement was "the possibility of reemergence of a hegemonic power confronting Europe, and tempted to invade Poland, Hungary or the Czech Republic." The resolution clearly stated that: • "NATO decisions and actions are independent of all other intergovernmental forums," such as the United Nations, OSCE or Euro-
Atlantic Partnership. • Russia has no veto over NATO decisions, even from within the
Permanent Joint NATO-Russia
Council.
• NATO can engage in missions outside its own territory if there is consensus among the member states about the existence of a threat to their nterests.
• US "leadership" of NATO is reaffirmed, including the continued guaranteed presence of US officers in
International Viewooint most of the key command positions. • The military and financial costs will be "shared" in a "more equitable" way, ie the Europeans will pay more. In fact, NATO enlargement will not mean any expansion of the US contribution to the Organisation's budget. The US contribution in 1998 is established as a ceiling for all future annual payments. • The US president is obliged to consult the Senate before any further enlargement of the alliance.
This last point is the biggest limit on the Clinton administration's future action.
An amendment proposed by Republican Senator John Warner (Virginia) fixes a three year minimum waiting period before any future admission of new members to NATO. He received 41 votes, which is not enough to pass the amendment, but enough to block any new admission, which requires 67 Senate votes.
This is a problem for Clinton. The official line, adopted at the Madrid summit, is that NATO has an "open door" for east European countries, including the three Baltic republics of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. Moscow has explicitly stated that integration of these former Soviet Republics into NATO would be a casus belli.
Zbigniew Brzezinski, the main architect of the first phase of NATO enlargement, has already proposed that the Washington summit invite Slovenia, and maybe even Rumania and Lithuania to join the alliance.
The Clinton administration faces a real dilemma at the Washington summit. Either the US pushes back any new enlargement decisions, which will give the impression that there will be no more expansion, or accept further expansion, but risk rejection of this decision by the Senate, which will demand an evaluation of the first stage of expansion before any further countries are admitted.
In fact, the first three new members are still far from military integration. This, of course, weakens NATO's military vocation, which, for the Senate, is its most important characteristic.
The Senate is very unlikely to approve Lithuania's integration into NATO, even if the NATO states agree to such a step.
A compromise might be possible over Slovenia, since integrating the ex-Yugoslav republic would create territorial continuity between the existing NATO states and Hungary.
But one thing is sure. The decisions adopted at the Washington summit will depend more on the orientations voted by the US senate than any of the concerns timmidly voiced by some of the European governments. * * The author teaches political science at Université de Paris- VIII, France. This is the text of a report he presented at a symposium on Europe held in March. We thank him for authorizing us to reprint it.
international viewooll
Analysis with attitude!
YOUR NAME.
half price for all new readers!
Eleven issues, delivered by airmail for only new subscribers renewal
Britain/Ireland
£13
£25
ADDRESS
CODE
CITY
E-MAIL/C
COUNTRY
Denmark
Germany
Greece
Holland
Sweden
Australia/N:
DKK 380 • DKK200 DM 110 DM 55 6000 dr 3000 dr f95 f50 SEK 400 SEK 200 •
$ 70 • $ 35
Send no cash with order. We will invoice you.
Canada
USA
PO Box 27410, London SW9 9WQ, Britain.
Rest of wor
C$ 40
C$ 80
US$ 70
US$ 35
Id US$ 70
US$ 35 e-mail <[email protected]> ear ce ene tee tes 34, 1081 Ava, ta. 3300675. Tuzoypopos: loavns Kotoatog & Zta, Moptvou Avtzo 4, 163 46 Hloumoln, тn2.. 9719048. Editor and director: Yannis Felekis, Eressou 34, 106 81 Athens, Greece. Printed by loannis Kotsatos & Cia, Marinou Antipa 4, 163 46 Ilioupoli, Greece. Distributed by
International Viewpoint #310 April 1999 13
* Mexico
Unions form political wing