Unless the political parties realise that we need a non-party space so that society can act, can struggle for its rights, without having to join one or other of the parties, or join the Zapatista National Liberation Front, or some other structure... then we will reach a point where we will have a political class which has been imposed on us by the government, and parties which follow a rhythm quite different from the wider historical rhythm of the society."
The EZLN called on its supporters to participate in the August 1994 Presidential election, in the hope that Cauahtémoc Cardénas of the PRD would defeat the incumbent of the PRI. [IV #259, 09/94] Marcos recently argued that "Cardénismo is, naturally, about rather more than the figure of Cauahtémoc Cardénas. For millions of Mexicans, including those in the EZLN, it has signified that a good government is possible, and that [Cardénas in government] would respect us.
You can reproach Cardénismo and señor Cardénas, with everything — except to have sold out or given up I...] Whether you like it or
Mexico party? not, the PRD is today the only possible intermediary within the political class. Non of the other parliamentary parties is here, available for discussion."
The EZLN has also proposed to create a an opposition or "broad " front (Frente amplio). According to Marcos, "some people imagine [this front] through electoral glasses, as an arrangement of political parties. Others, like the EZLN, give it a broader horizon, in terms of peace, justice and dignity. But whatever the level and the importance, the creation of this broad front does pose some problems. First of all: who will convoke it, and with what specific goal? [...]
But, one way or another, to the extent that it adopts the transition to democracy as its goal, this broad or opposition front should rely on the participation of Cardénismo as a social movement. And, concretely, with the participation of Cauahtémoc Cardénas."
Marcos also said that the Zapatista's newlyforming civil branch, the Zapatista National Liberation Front, "must resist the tendency, which is beginning to appear, of building a new ivory tower for a sectarian grouping, rather than building an open organisation." * Source: EZLN Subcomandante Marcos' address to the Transition to Democracy working group, part of the EZLN-sponsored Special Forum on reforming the state, which was held in San Cristobal (Chiapas), from 30 June to 6 July.
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Over the last six months, the most leftist sections of the popular movement have built up the Wide Front of Construction of the National Liberation Movement (FACMLN), which groups a number of peasant and workers' organisations, and urban community groups. It is also supported by some regional deputies of the PRD, particularly in Guerrero state.. The FACMLN has its origins in the "ultra-left" current of the National Democratic Convention, a now-defunct organisation created by civil supporters of the EZLN. This new front may win significant support in a number of regions and sectors, despite its deep sectarianism towards the other currents of the radical left. And the FACMLN is building itself as an alternative to the Zapatistas' FZLN. [E.T] *
* Mexico Marcos tells EPR We don't u Eric Toussaint ON 28 JUNE 1996, FORTY MASKED MEN WITH AK 47 rifles burst into a public meeting organised to mark the first anniversary of the assassination of 17 local peasants by the police. Among the crowd of about 1,000 was PRD leader (and former Presidential candidate) Cuauhtémoc Cardénas, scheduled to speak at the meeting. This was the first public appearance of guerrillas of the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR). In the following weeks a number of incidents involving the group took place in Guerrero, one of Mexico's poorest states, where Indian self-defence groups have existed for many years. Guerrero is best known abroad as the state which includes Acapulco). Mexico's minister of Defence called the EPR "a real guerrilla force, an amalgamation of radical groups, with better military equipment than the Zapatistas (Proceso, July 7th].
The EPR presents itself as the armed wing of the self-styled Popular Democratic Revolutionary Party, which is the result of the fusion of 15 organisations, mostly of Maoist origin, including PROCUP, a MaoStalinist party similar to Peru's Shining Path.
The EPR says it has "no links with the Zapatistas of the EZLN. Though there have been attempts to build such links. Their uprising on 1st January 1994 raised great hopes... We supported their struggle... They have now chosen the path of negotiations. In this sense, there is an essential difference between them and us. [EPR press conference, August 8th].
The emergence of the EPR has been followed by a systematic militarisation of the state of Guerrero. More than 12,000 soldiers have been deployed (without reducing the number of troops deployed to surround the Zapatistas in Chiapas). Many peasants have been arrested and tortured to admit their supposed membership in the EPR. Only after confession have they been allowed to see a lawyer. Most have immediately refuted their "confession" and denounced the torture [La Jornada, July 14th].
The EZLN immediately distanced itself from the EPR. Zapatista Sub-comandante Marcos has pointed out that the Zapatistas have a mandate from the indigenous base communities, which the ERP does not. We reprint here the full text of an open letter he recently addressed to EPR militants on behalf of the Zapatistas.