"Baby crash" shock
A NEW report on family policy claims to want to reconcile" family and porfessional life. Could any parent be opposed to this abstract idea? However, the real aim of the report is to propose steps which will stem the decline in France's birth-rate — a source of so-called "instability", "atrophy" and "despair". ISABELLE FOREST* — Paris, 14 February 1994
The report does not say. But the juxtaposition of an increase in the number of abortion with lamentations about the "decline of our France" is not by chance.
As the decline in the birth rate is considered a source of "instability" "atrophy" and "despair", " the proposals aim to "restore the family" and the "secular values of civil marriage". The
HIS spring, the French National Assembly is due to discuss a new draft law on the family presented by the government. This draft is currently being discussed between the different ministries concerned (Social Affairs, Finances, etc) and the precise content is not yet known. On the other hand, we do know one of the documents used by the government advisers in preparing this text: the Report on Family Policy by Colette Codaccioni (deputy for the right-wing Rally for the Republic party, prepared on request of the Prime Minister.
This report has a clearly pro-natalist orientation. Its goal is to strengthen the place of the family, considered as the mainspring of society. While some of the measures suggested could be seen as simple "social common to the "decline of our France". '. The main reason for the fall in the birth rate is said to lie in the weakening of the family: fewer marriages, more divorces and births outside marriage. This weakening then produces a "family deficit for the child which will inevitably be reflected in the adult" and which provokes "lasting handicaps". What does this mean? The report does not say, the suggestion is enough. Are not single mothers in the United States seen as responsible for juvenile delinquency or even criminality?
Women going out to work is described as an incontestable and unavoidable fact of society, which a coherent pronatalist policy must take into account, by making it possible to "reconcile" family and professional life. Which parents could be against the abstract idea of suggestion is made, in order to carry through this ambition, that there should be a standing committee on family policy and an annual debate in parliament on the question.
The main measure proposed is the creation of an APLC (Allocation Parentale de Libre Choix, parental allowance for free choice). This would be paid for all children, from birth to entry to nursery school, "whatever the parent's activity". In fact, given the current situation, this allowance is only addressed to parents who would stop working, at least partially. It would replace the existing allowances for small children, care of the child in the home, and for payment of a registered childminder. It would be half the legal minimum wage if the parent stopped work completely and pro rata if the parent worked part-time. There would be three supplementary measures along with sense" and accept the diverthe creation of the APLC.
The consequences of this fall in the birth se reality of the family
First, the parent concerned rate are described in an apocalyptic today, this is mixed in with would be credited with a classically reactionary a classically reactionary view of the world focused on the strengthening of the family institution. In the present economic context, these measures aim to lower artificially unemployment figures and pretend to offer a solution to the crisis. As large families are, by definition, large consumers this should automatically lead, according to Colette Codaccioni and others, to stimulating economic growth.
The section of the report which notes the current trends in society is centred around the idea of a "baby crash" whose scope is largely exaggerated (see interview with Hervé Le Bras in Cahiers du Féminisme, no. 67, 1994). The consequences of this fall in the birth rate are described in an apocalyptic manner, talking of an extremely harsh "demographic winter" which will lead the "decline of our France" "reconciliation"? But people should not try to make us believe that the increase in part-time work or in claims for the APE (Allocation Parentale d'Education, state allowance payable to parents who stay at home with their third or subsequent children) are the result of a free choice. We know very well that it is most often for want of anything better that women are forced into this. The authors of the report cite in passing the number of abortions performed per year which was stabilised at 170-180,000 per year except, it so happens, since 199091 where there has been a considerable increase (although the figures are not given). Why propagate this rumour?
harsh cocial capurity and nan social security and pension contributions. Second lead to there would be increased possibilities for organising work-time (annualisation, variable working hours, part-time) and a "sick children's leave" would be introduced for twelve paid days per year. Thirdly the "service voucher" system of the five-year employment plan would be extended. This is a system of buying the working time of employees (as one buys luncheon vouchers) for "personal workers". This measure, which is apparently supposed to create 40,000 jobs, aims to encourage children being looked after in their homes.
* The author is a member of the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR), French section of the Fourth International. The article is taken, with permission, from the forthcoming Spring edition of the socialist-feminist journal Cahiers du Féminisme.
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International Viewpoint #254 March 1994 manner, talking of an extremely
"demographic winter" which will
At the same time, and in a contradictory fashion, the report says that it wants to encourage an improvement, extension and diversification of childcare. Proposals include drop-off centres and nurseries open twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week and more day-time leisure centres. Once again the goal is the famous "reconciliation" of family and
Against misery and exclusion professional life. As we see, Colette Codaccioni, prudently, does not propose a generalised return of women to the home. She cleverly mixes "solutions" of different types that taken together contribute to "restoring" the family, taking into account the real evolution of society, which has integrated women's work.
In addition, there are a certain number of reforms proposed for "ensuring and continuing" family financing. Among other proposals are making family allowances tax-funded and thus state-managed, rather than the current system of employees and employers contributions and management by a so-called independent parity body. The financial effort to be made by the state would thus be a result of demographic changes: it would be correspondingly greater if there was a low birth rate.
### Price index
The Codaccioni report also proposes to peg all forms of family allowances to an increased price index (thus above the rate of inflation). These allowances would also be simplified and extended: children could be treated as dependent up to the age of twenty-two, and the special allowances for families of three and more children would be maintained until the youngest child was grown up.
With these last proposals, Madame Codaccioni is only responding to longstanding and legitimate demands. But they would still have to be implemented Nothing is guaranteed in the current situation.
Finally the Codaccioni report suggest a reform of income tax in order to combat the current "penalisation" of married couples. Single people and unmarried couples would thus pay more taxes. Over and above her pro-natalist and pro-family goal, such measures would undoubtedly worsen current tax injustice.
This report should be rejected, not only because it manipulates the figures on which it claims to be based but also because we reject such pro-natalist policies, that is policies which challenge the free choice of women and men. *
THE growth of unemployment has continued in France since 1990, the year which signalled the end of a short three-year period of economic revival which had produced some relief on the employment front. At the end of 1993, official figures show 3.8 million unemployed — or nearly 12% of the active population. This places France in second place behind Spain among OCDE countries. CHRISTOPHE MATHIEU — Paris, 24 February 1994 T O these figures should be added all those not accounted for and all those compelled to take "small jobs" created by successive governments. In this way, the total nears the five million mark.
If you then add those workers obliged to accept part-time contracts - women by and large — or contracts of a limited duration (three, six or twelve months only), one third of the working population is unemployed or in a situation of insecure employment.
Fifteen years of massive unemployment have had consequences in all areas of social life. Poverty is affecting wider sections of the population.
In 1993, 670,000 people were on state benefits (RMI) — that is, 20% more people than in the preceding year. The RMI gives its recipients an all-round salary of 2,400 French francs (US$410) per month. The number of homeless continues to grow; there were 200,000 in 1993. And now the health system is under threat. Austerity measures taken to limit the social security deficit have led to a situation in which wider and wider segments of the population no longer have access to benefits. There have been dramatic consequences — an increase in tuberculosis and other infectious diseases.
The increase in unemployment and misery weighs heavily on the condition of working people. Salaries have been frozen, and in 1993 total wages paid out by firms decreased. Working conditions continue to deteriorate.
There has been an evolution in public opinion. During the 1980s, a significant section of the population felt that priority had to go to the business sector, and that a period of belt-tightening was necessary to re-establish economic equilibrium. The failure of these policies and various social plans in the area of employment has put these kind of arguments on the defensive.
Increasingly, another idea is gaining wide currency - the idea that another approach is in order, one that prioritises the struggle against unemployment, poverty and exclusion.
Political debates over the last few months have reflected this state of affairs. Ecologists were the first — during the March 1993 parliamentary elections — to popularise on a mass scale the old trade union proposal for a massive reduction of the work week as a way of tackling unemployment. The ecologists' proposals coupled a reduced work week with a reduction of medium and high salaries (starting from 1.8 times the minimum wage).
This proposal for salary decreases provoked some concern among working people who noted that at the same time there was a growing number of contracts being signed that linked the reduction of the working week to a proportional drop in salaries for everyone. On each occasion, the argument used to justify such contracts was the threat of redundancies.
The debate was even felt within the right-wing parties, the big winners in the last elections. A group of deputies proposed a four-day work week - 32 hours -with a partial decrease in salaries. The overwhelming majority of right-wing deputies were more open to traditional arguments, such as the one that says that in times of crisis it is better to work longer hours. Nevertheless, political life was polarised by this debate for a few weeks.
While the debate around the four-day work week was centred in the political sphere, it took place at the same time as a revival in social struggles. There was a militant strike at Air France, which forced the government to withdraw its plan. Employers were also sent back to the dra-
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wing board following struggles at France Telecom and at Bull, the big French computer company. There were also some rumblings from the student movement, which forced the government to back track on some planned cuts.
The end of 1993 was characterised by a revival of social struggle, and above all by a series of successes which began to restore the confidence of a working class that had previously been through a series of defeats. The most recent victory was in the area of the educational system; after a demonstration of more than one million people, the government was forced to withdraw proposed legislation designed to benefit the private school system.