20. The PT needs a new leadership to direct both Lula's campaign and party activity in the next few years. It is clear that the present leadership has lost its legitimacy, a situation worsened by organisational problems and the weakening of relations with the social movements and our munici-
The Workers' Party's (PT) eighth national leadership meeting was held in
June of this year. The left won a substantial majority for their positions.
Our correspondent examines the progress which has been made since that meeting and what obstacles the PT must still overcome.
CARLOS HENRIQUE ÁRABE — São Paulo, 25 November 1993
BRASIL URGENTI pal governments.
The new leadership must be committed to the following:
• To the revolutionary socialist character of the PT, a democratic socialism which is as much an alternative to real socialism" as to social democracy.
• To the strategic value of democracy, which for us is both a means and an end, a method of transformation and an ideal of political organisation.
• To the revolutionary beliefs of the PDP, which adheres to anti-capitalist, antimonopolist, anti-large estate and anti-imperialist beliefs.
• To the viability of a party which affirms democracy to be the main thread of party life.
• To the renewal of the ethical and democratic contract within the Party, for the regeneration of internal democracy and against the domination of a few.
21. The PT needs to reaffirm its role of leadership, its mass character and the importance of internal democracy. Increasing party democracy will require the reevaluation of demands, the joint participation of our allies in discussion and decision making and the strengthening of the Party press, political education and mechanisms for consultation. It is also necessary for there to be democratic control of the party leadership and of the activists who hold executive power in the government or are in the legislature. Without over-excessive leadership, but while contributing politically, the PT must increase its links within organised civil society. Listening to public opinion, but without being led by external elements, it must have a large presence in the big cities; we must broaden the dialogue so as to create firm links — and not just electoral — with those who are generally on the margin of union and popular movements.
The directive character of the Party must show itself in the democratic working-out of our politics, the discussions opened up with our allies, the contest for hegemony, the confrontation with the values of the dominant class and in the re-affirmation of the strategic objective of the PT: the struggle for a socialist and democratic society, with neither exploiters nor exploited. *
T O begin with, we should note the following: • The main resolutions, agreed at the eighth national meeting in June, clearly specified what a popular democratic government would generally involve;
• The leftwing character of the resolutions were a response to the deepening crisis which has engulfed the country and is in part responsible for the growth in popularity of the Lula campaign;
• Two other elements have contributed to this growth in popularity: Firstly, the paralysis of the Itamar government, and secondly the successive collapse of various Presidential candidacies, due to the corruption scandals which have ravaged the centre and the rightwing;
• However, these elements are not sufficient for the revival of the mass movement. The social movement is on the defensive and leadership by the Central Workers Union (CUT) remains weak;
• There is a clear contrast between the strength of the Lula campaign and the campaigns of candidates in the regional states;
• Despite the positive decisions taken at the June meeting, the Party's organisational problems continue to persist, and in some respects have actually worsened. This has made it difficult to implement them.
### Opportunities
The above is an overview of the contradictory situation inside the Party. Although the conditions for dealing with problems which obstruct the building of the Party are certainly better than they have been in the past, we need to act quickly if we are to grasp the opportunities which could turn the political situation in our favour, and we must also prevent or reduce the bourgeoisie's ability to react.
It would be very easy to have illusions about the current situation in Brazil. The factors which strengthen the image of the PT and the Lula candidacy, though important and resulting in large part from the political initiatives of the party, are not linked to an increase in the political and trade union activity of the masses.
Since the June national meeting, the PT has proved unable to develop strength in the area of campaigns "within the framework of the institutions", to clearly demarcate itself in opposition to the Itamar government (which is currently dominated by the Social Democratic Party [PSDB]' and in a state of advanced decomposure), or to play a pivotal role in the efforts to clean up corruption. On the other hand, it has had some success in re-organising the social movement, conscious as it is of the strategic importance, both for a Lula victory and for the exercising of power by the PT, of a mass movement which supports structural reforms.
### Intervention
During the June meeting the CUT was recognised as central to providing some impetus to this social movement. The new party leadership was mandated to develop a political line for intervention in the crisis of the CUT, which would unite PT trade union leaders and the rank and file.
The fifth congress of the CUT will take place in June 1994. The debates have just begun but remain limited within the framework of the positions of the last congress, which no longer reflect the reality of the CUT today. The creation of a structure for the intervention of the party and the regroupment of an array of trade union forces around the resolutions of the PT's June meeting will be decisive for the revival of militant trade unionism and providing the CUT with a central role in the building of the campaign and an eventual Lula government.
One important sector, the rural workers, have maintained a high level of organisation and activity, which has included land occupations involving thousands of families. We also have to
1. In spite of its name, the PSDB is not linked to the popular and democratic movement and is politically somewhere between social democracy and traditional liberalism.
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PT
PT meets the challenge recognise the co-ordination now under way between the urban popular movements, which have recently set up a national office. The latter has tremendous possibilities, but their activities still occur at an uneven pace and they are far from united. There is urgent need for the intervention of our Party to offer a firm basis for and accelerate the realignment, so that it may also meet the challenge of building a popular and democratic goverment.
### Pressure
The PT's Guiding Principles (see pp. 18-22) constitute the first phase in the elaboration of a governmental programme. Whereas in the recent past there was pressure from some sectors of the Party for Lula to adopt a centre-left position, the election campaign has in fact helped to reinforce the Party's leftwing profile.
Caravans have travelled throughout the poorest regions of the country, emphasising the struggle against hunger and exclusion. This initiative has combined with the growth of Citizens Action Against Hunger, a movement clearly identified with Lula.
The question of alliances on the national level is conditioned by the programme. This virtually excludes any possibility of a national alliance with the PSDB and leads us back to our partners in 1989. There are no major candidates in the states who have the dynamism of Lula and only in rare cases has the party been able to set up candidacies and alliances according to correct perspectives. This includes the candidacy of Olivio Dutra in Rio Grande do Sul who has a very good chance of winning.?
In important states such as São Paulo, Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro, the party is able to set up strong campaigns; but the situation is not the same throughout the country. There are important states in which there is no candidacy and others in which the best known leaders are not yet ready to present themselves as candidates. Finally, in other states, alliances are being discussed which do not guarantee support for Lula — cases where the alliance candidate is not from the PT and where sectors of the party support the idea of an alliance with the PSDB or the Democratic Labour Party (PDT).3
The area which has caused the most difficulty recently has been that of party organisation. If anything, the crisis has worsened since the June meeting. Unfortunately, there is no automatic link between the revival of a strong leftwing identity for the Party and the ability to reconstruct itself and provide strong leadership.
Indeed, the solution of this problem requires more than just simple agreement around the main political questions. What is needed is a majority which has a common understanding of the strategic tasks, compromises and cohesiveness required for developing a leadership plan for the party.
New leadership
As stated in the resolution of the June meeting: "The PT needs a new leadership to direct both Lula's campaign and party activity in the next few years." The creation of such a leadership was initiated with the formation of the Leftwing Option (the majority current at the meeting) and the relations which were established with other currents identifying with the resolution.4
Giving form to the resolution first requires the consolidation of the Leftwing Option, particularly through the adoption of common responses to the organisational problems of the party. Other important issues are the struggle for a new leadership in the CUT (where the Leftwing Option is not operational) and the preparation for the next Party meeting in April 1994 — which will set out the governmental programme.
Relations with other sectors which can be integrated into the new majority are also crucial. One of the Leftwing Option's strengths was its ability to make alliances both with sectors of the old majority (which identified with the resolutions of the June meeting) and with currents on the left of the Party (which often have difficulty winning a majority to their positions). Further development of these relations will strengthen the Party leadership. *
JRGENTE • BRASIL
2. Olivio Dutra is a PT activist in Porto Alegre, the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, and was a leader of the municipal group in the city between 1989 and 1993
3. The PDT is the heir of the populist tradition in Brazil. Today it has strong social democratic tendencies.
4. For further details on the relationship of forces at the eight national gathering and the character of Left-wing Option, see José Corra, 'An historic conference' and Alfonso Moro, 'A clear shift to the left", in International Viewpoint, no. 247, July 1993.
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