An important initiative
THE June 12 Paris Assembly has created a significant space for reflection and debate. The question of pan-European solidarity has been posed now for several years by the evolution of policies of the different governments and by the reorganisation of capital. The Single Act of 1986 and the Maastricht Treaty have been at the heart of these problems for nearly three years. CLAUDE GABRIEL -Paris, June 25, 1993
HESE first attempts to gather those forces to the left of the "Maastricht" social democrats in debate and exchange are thus rather belated
The list of participants at the Paris Assembly shows that most organisations present are the products of the crisis of the traditional reformist parties. Either they are splits or they are radically oppositional currents. There are also - either present in Paris or signataries of the appeal — a few Communist Parties whose evolution means that from now on we can look forward to unity in action with other currents in the workers movement.
It is the crisis of the workers movement - and particularly of social democracy and Stalinism — that enabled us to pose in a new way the question of solidarity and unity faced with the attacks of the employers and European governments. The delay has been costly in terms of the social relationship of forces and rank-and-file resources. Therefo ra the Doric Accemhly tonk nlace in a noliti_ re, the Paris Assembly took place in a political and social context which, for the moment, limits opportunities to experiment.
The June 12 meeting therefore reflects a contradictory state of affairs. All the organisations and currents present are engaged in efforts to oppose the disasters of the capitalist crisis, to oppose the policies of austerity and plans for European unification. But there is an enormous disparity in the area of political perspectives, the means of struggle and the perception of capitalism itself. So, on the
A healthy foundation THE first Assembly of the European Left can be considered a success - one that should be built upon by our current. For the first time in our history, we were able to bring together - around a clear platform that we had a central role in drawing up — one of the most significant currents of left social democracy (Tony Benn), the most significant elements of those forces which have emerged from the Communist Parties, as well as a few progressive ecologists. The militant tone of the initiative (a rally and not only a simple academic gathering) encouraged the beginnings of a unitary dynamic between the different European currents present. it also helped get new signataries of the appeal from other forces. On the day after the gathering, a meeting brought together representatives from the PDS (ex-East German CP), the United Left (Spain), the Workers Socialist Party (Belgian section of the Fl), the Danish Red-Green Alliance, and, from France, the Red and Green Alternative, the Movement of Citizens, the Alternative-Socialism-Democracy, the Refounders and the LCR (French section of the Fl). The Belgian CP, the Portuguese Manifesto group, the AKOA (former Greek CP which has clearly moved leftward) and the German VSP participated as observers at this meeting. The Labour Party left was absent, but Tony Benn said he was prepared to associate himself with any initiative taken around the Paris Appeal. A message from Marcelino Camacho of the Spanish Workers Commissions conveyed the same commitment. The meeting decided to request other political and union currents to sign the Paris Appeal, and to form a working group that would organise another assembly in the autumn of 1994 in another European capital. The agreement remains very fragile. The considerable weight of forces that emerged from the Communist Parties might make it difficult in the future to attract forces from ecologist and social democratic currents. A number of the parties involved are currently having essential strategic debates (for example, a not insignificant part of the Spanish United Left wants to come to an agreement with the PSOE government). Moreover, while some of the participating organisations want to move toward greater cooperation, specifically in the run up to the European elections (for example, the italian Party for the Communist Refoundation), others don't want to go any further than the creation of an informal framework for debates (forces such as the United Left and the French Communist Refounders, who do not want to commit themselves to any cooperation which would place them in opposition to the leadership of the French CP). In such conditions, the holding of the Assembly and the meeting represent a political victory from three points of view: the ability to take the initiative, the creation of a framework, and the establishment or strengthening of links. There were of course bad points: the Assembly was not very convivial, and the workshops were not very productive even though the speakers were usually very representative. These are areas for future improvement. * one hand there is a strong desire to debate and react, but on the other there is tremendous political heterogeneity.
The important thing is that it was possible to take this international and public initiative alongside ecologist currents, left reformists and revolutionary Marxists. This could be an important step for the future, and could be translated into concrete activity in the various social movements like, for example, anti-racism or union struggles.
A purely "political" approach — or purely electoral, given the upcoming European elections in June 1994 — would not have had the same effect as the Paris Assembly. The effective use of pluralism and unity that prevailed in the Paris debates should prove a precious tool in coming social struggles. Some of the currents represented have a real weight in their countries and play a recognised role in the social movements.
Indeed, this is the point: to exert creative
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International Viewpoint #247 July 1993
A GERMANY pressure on activist initiatives and make concrete proposals which favour pan-European united action. The real challenge is to make this link between debates - from Copenhagen to Paris — and an activist and pluralist investment in the mass movements.
It is through the successful combination of these two approaches that future progress in the definition of an alternative Europe will be made. There is a long list of movements for which commitments made in Paris could have important consequences in the future: in European anti-racist campaigns, against unemployment and for the reduction of the work week, in the feminist movement (notably in defence of abortion rights), and in the building of a anti-militarist and anti-imperialist movement.