WE publish below an open letter of the Moscow Initiative
Against
Group of the Movement of
Left Forces, "For National bureaucratic
Self-government." The signatories represent very
-capitalist small forces; the new
Socialist Party, for example, has some 300 to 500 chaos members. Nonetheless this appeal, which was produced in Moscow at the end of
September, represents a first attempt to group together forces opposed to the current trend, promoted both by Gorbachev and his rival Boris Yeltsin, towards the transformation of the USSR into a vast bureaucratic/capitalist chaos in hock to foreign capital.
DOCUMENT
T HE SIGNATORIES of this document hold different political points of view, belong to different organizations and place themselves in different intellectual currents. But the situation developing in this country has impelled us to come out with a common statement and make clear our place in the sharpening social struggles.
Deliberately manipulating public opinion, the "perestroikizing" part of the party apparatus and the liberal intelligentsia are preparing a new social experiment, which is intended to preserve power and property in the hands of the party-state and economic-administrative bureaucracies, along with the actors in the "black economy", in a new form. The overlords of the period of stagnation now want to change the forms of rule.
Two groups but one layer
The interests of these layers are embodied now in different reform programmes. Despite the apparent contradictions between these programmes, they reflect essentially the positions of two groupings within one and the same social layer. Both programmes envisage more or less swift privatization (the passing of ownership into private hands), which means in reality the seizure of ownership by the party nomenklatura, black-marketeers and foreign capital, since it is these groups which dispose of the greater monetary means and power. The cost of each stage of the transformation will be borne by the popular masses.
The end result of such reforms will be to establish a system of "bureaucratic capitalism", , meaning:
• The further impoverishment of the majority of the population: through rising prices or the freezing of incomes accompanied by an intensification of work, and a vertiginous rise in unemployment.
• An ineffective economy. The alienation of the workers from the means of production will not only be maintained, but increased — the passing into private control of the already extremely monopolistic industries offers the possibility of new super-profits to new owners, through speculation with the products rather than an increase in their quality. Inevitably the introduction of such a reform will mean defensive strikes by workers, bringing further harm to the economy.
• The undermining of national sovereignty. The free sale of shares in a situation where the national bourgeoisie is weak means that a decisive proportion will end up in the hands of foreign companies, and those parts of the national bureaucracy tied to them. As has been seen in the countries of the Third World, this will mean the transfer to our country of harmful production, resource wasting enterprises and obsolescent productive plant.
• The curtailment of democracy. Insofar as the programmes imply the introduction of a series of "unpopular" measures, their enforcement will require the strengthening of the authoritarian regime, and further incursions on the democratic rights of the workers. Already today we see urgent demands for the introduction of a regime of presidential dictatorship, the curtailing the powers of the lower-level soviets and workers' collective undertakings, the promulgation of anti-strike laws, the neutralization of strikes, and the strengthening of control over the mass media.
This course could lead to the establishment of an out and out military dictatorship, enjoying the support of the "democratic" West, on the lines of Franco's Spain, Pinochet's Chile or the regime in South Korea. liberal democratic camp. Yesterday's 9 There is a re-assessment of values in the
USSR / ITALY implacable fighters for party privilege have shown themselves today ready to abandon this same nomenklatura power, as long as the price is right. At the same time, the "supporters of democratic values" now coming to power have not only kept the anti-strike legislation, as well as the laws against meetings and demonstrations, but have called for these measures to be reinforced. The slogans about justice, humanism and charity under which the democratic movement of the perestroika period began have changed into appeals for tough economic discipline, generalized selling and a strong hand.
Under these conditions we feel it our duty to express our disagreement in principle with the positions of a section of the "democratic" organizations, who are imposing on the country an agreement between the bureaucracy and proponents of an uncritical copying of the Western social model.
### Monopoly capitalism
It is necessary to overcome the false alternative between totalitarianism and monopoly capitalism. It is necessary to take a third way, shaped by the creativity of people at the base and their social unity. For this end, our sympathies lie with social, productive and territorial self-management, but this cannot be imposed from above. A series of immediate practical steps are needed which can guarante self-management:
1. The right of workers' collectives to independently determine the forms of property, management and self-management in their enterprises, as well as the order of changes in these forms.
2. The right of local soviets to organize the lands and natural resources under the control of social organizations and under conditions of full glasnost.
3. The right of the republics, autonomous and other territorial units to independently determine their status and what degree of power they are prepared to voluntarily surrender to larger entities.
4. A repudiation of the institution of presidential power.
5. Democratic opposition to the creation of authoritarian national governments. Establishment of normal diplomatic and economic relations with republics that cede from the Union only in conditions where the social and political rights of national minorities are assured, in line with the UN Declaration of Human Rights.
6. Consistent and full implementation of the civil rights contained in the Declaration of Human Rights, including the abolition of the death penalty, repeal of the antistrike legislation, and laws restricting meetings and demonstrations, abolition of all forms of forced labour and the internal passport system. Liquidation of the political police. 10 7. Right of veto for local soviets and referenda on the establishment of enterprises on their territory. Banning of the construction of new plants with ecological indicators below world standards.
8. Priority financing for resource-saving technology and small, ecologically acceptable energy sources. Freezing of construction of atomic power stations and the gradual phasing out of nuclear power and other industries which irreversibly harm nature.
9. An inventory of the property of the CPSU and other organizations involved in the administrative-command system, and the transfer of illegally acquired property to people who have been victims of the tyranny of the state and party apparatus and to socially disadvantaged groups.
Economic culture of West
We support the assimilation of the advanced aspects of the economic culture of the West, but are against the copying of all forms of Western society. If we today copy what the West came up with yesterday, then tomorrow we will find ourselves once again in civilization's backyard. We must avert the recurrence of a half-feudal, authoritarian, monopolistic and uncivilized Russian capitalism. We consider essential the most rapid possible coming together of all those people, whose thinking is near to ours. Tomorrow will be too late.
Signed by:
N. M. Abovin-Yegides PhD (member of Central Committee of the Socialist Party and a dissident from the sixties).
V. V. Bezuglov (candidate of chemical sciences, member of the Organizing Committee of the Democratic Platform in the CPSU.)
V. V. Dam'ye (candidate of historical studies, co-chair of the Moscow organization of the Green Party).
A. K. Isaev (member of the management team of the Information and Consultation Centre for Problems of the Workers Movement).
V. V. Pshenikov (member of the Coordinating Council of the Marxist Platform in the CPSU, teacher).
G. Ya. Rakitskaya (member of the leadership of the Russian Social Democratic Party and member of the committee for aid to the workers' movement and for workers' sclf-management).
B. V. Rakitsky (member of the leadership of the SDP for Russia).
V. S. Savel'ev (member of the CC of the Marxist Platform in the CPSU, worker).
O. V. Sokolov (candidate of historical studies, member of the OB of the Democratic Platform in the CPSU).
A. M. Khaykin (member of the council of the Socialist Party, manager).