The attitude of the FLN leadership which, before April 25, launched appeals for social calm, has changed radically; they now propose a "plan of struggle" to the workers and call for mobilization against "the danger of a return to Somozism". '. The pro-FSLN media have hardened their tone and are issuing threats — it is true that the FSLN could, if it wishes, paralyze the country. The FSLN is opposing the attacks that the government wishes to make against the revolution, and is seeking to reestablish its place in the popular and trade union movement in the current confrontation with the bourgeoisie; it is conscious that this will be the sole fashion of countering these attacks. * ocial democratic" capitalism? WE REPRODUCE below large extracts from a contribution which appeared in the Nicaraguan daily El Nuevo Diario on May 23 and 24, 1990, This texts a good Illustration of the debates going on Inside the Sandinista Natlonal Liberation Front (FSLN), as much on the question of what social and economic model to follow, as on the situation today and the attitude to adopt to It. PEDRO ANTONIO RODRIGUEZ
H ISTORY teaches us, above all with regard to the spectacular events we are living through, that when the revolutionary movement suffers defeats which appear decisive, and capitalism, for its part, seems to be passing through an ascendant phase, it is normal that voices will be raised amongst the revolutionaries saying that it is senseless to attempt to skip stages and launch into premature social revolutions.
In explaining that it is necessary to leave the field open to capitalism to develop itself, these same comrades think that, in today's conditions, revolutionaries can only struggle for the least "savage" form of capitalism. According to them, it would be necessary to struggle so that the benefits of the system do not remain in the hands of the "high-ups" and that, partially at least or under the form of social benefits, they are shared with those "at the bottom". In this case, the comrades argue, it would be unnecessary then to struggle against capitalism and for a premature and inopportune social revolution, but for social reforms, to achieve a certain "democratization of wealth" in the context of this system.
Faced with such opinions, those who persist in continuing to argue for revolu-
tionary ideas find themselves marginalized by a majority of comrades who rejoin the euphoric current of the vacillating petit-bourgeois middle layers, the same who, at other times, have been seduced by dreams of revolution, but who today are impatient to "share" the promised riches. They want to find themselves a stabilizing role in the dominant system; in extreme situations, these middle classes are even capable of accusing their former comrades — who do not wish to see the popular movement stagnate — of being "adventurers" ' "radicals" or "subjectivists" ", and apostles of a revolutionary future which exists only in their fevered heads. So far as concerns me, my character places me a priori — and perhaps also for "sentimental" reasons — amongst the minority of radical Don Quixotes, devotees of Sandino who was ready to die alone in hurling himself against the Empire (...)
They even maintain that opposition to privatizations signifies opposition to a global tendency. Concretely, in conditions such as those of Nicaragua, can capitalism develop in a "non-savage" fashion? Is a "social democratic capitalism" possible?
Yes, on the condition that the new regime obtains each year a sum of around 800 to 1200 million dollars; otherwise, it would be obliged to accept the savage recipes of the "Blue and White Plan", , of the employers' organization (COSEP) which — according to a European social democratic leader — symbolize a backward, primitive and "neanderthal", indeed "savage" capitalism.
In the absence of foreign subsidies, capitalism in our country — and it is not a question of ill will or of cruelty, but of necessity — must develop in a savage fashion; this is an inherent trait of primitive accumulation.
Dependent, backward and deformed capitalism
The capitalism which has developed in Nicaragua, dependent, backward and deformed, does not lead to the "blossoming" of the productive forces; it can only survive through thoroughly indebting itself to compensate for its meagre capacities of accumulation. When the credit is exhausted, it can find a way out only by exerting a growing pressure on the labour force. This capitalism has no aptitude of its own to encourage, through accumulation, the productive forces of social labour which it could exploit in increasing productivity and then with a relative surplus value which would be compatible with increasing the real wages and the "social gains" of the workers. Its lateness, its lack of competitivity and its obsolete structure place it at the back of the line for the international market; it can then subsist only by putting pressure on absolute surplus value and increasing super exploitation.
Faced with the contempt these asser-
NICARAGUA tions will be treated with by some, who will explain that my argument is "theoretical" and no more than "dogmatic chatter", I point out to readers the sad reality of Latin America. Dependent capitalism, under the pressure of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), has a free hand; it no longer hides its reality; the regime of an unprecedented deterioration of real wages, of the growth of unemployment, of enormous flights of capital... all the elements which concretely provoke social explosions.
In sum, I am of the opinion that a dependent capitalism can only survive on the back of a growing depression of wages -even the terrible inroads on wages that we ourselves (the FSLN) made to finance the defence of the revolution and the policy of national unity, would not be enough for it. In political economy this is called super exploitation, and not "the growth of productivity and efficiency" (...)
Some of our comrades who - with the best intentions in the world - dream of a "social-democratic capitalism" only reinforce the illusions of the masses and their demobilization, instead of preparing them, with correct revolutionary slogans, for the ferocious confrontations which approach (...)
The big bourgeoisie knows very well that a social democratic compact is not viable in Nicaragua; the Lacayos or the Cesars, who preach this model, are using it to mollify Sandinism, to neutralize it and allow it to win time. The bourgeoisie hopes that the people, momentarily stunned by the positive effects of US aid, will allow the pro-capitalist regime to reinforce itself and will at the same time forget Sandinista "dreams".
The moment will come when it will have a better hold on the economic reins and the ideological apparatus, and in the absence of a combative movement, it will take steps towards the control of society. It would like to make itself stronger, absolute even, to reestablish Somozism totally, under a regime without sharing of capital; that is its dream... And that is what menaces us if the mass movement does not immediately struggle...) *
'SLN 1. The "Blue and White Plan" (named after the colours of the Nicaraguan national flag) was an economic program in the pure IMF tradition, which was supported by the most right wing sectors of UNO; it was counterposed to the "Mayorga Plan" - named after the counsellos of Chamorro, today president of the Central Bank, which adopted a more "social democratic" framework. 2. Antonio Lacayo and Alfredo Cesar, leaders of the Social Democratic Party (after having been allies of the Contras) are technocrats who have a great influence over Violeta Chamorro. They were charged with negotiating the govemmental transitionwith the FSLN.
A declaration of war
ON May 31 the UNO governmen and the Contras slgned a new agreement concerning the demo bilization of the latter, which proposes among other things.
• The creation of a police to maintain Internal order with the participation of ex combatants (Contrast whose alm Is to safeguard the life and physical Integrity of citizens living in lhese zones (of Contre regroupment]... This police force will form part of the structures of the Interior Ministry. Thus, the UNO, despite its promises, is creating a parallel police. The recent social conflicts have shown the limits of its power, given that the FSLN retains the army and police. The UNO is tryng to create a parallel state.
O The demilitarization of the zones of conflict, The UNO wants to forbid the presence of the Sandinista army In zones where the contras are at work
• The pursuit of civllian disarmament [in these zones] mean ng the disarmament of the selldefence cooperatives and the militia, notably in areas where there are Contras.
O The government undertakes to name a representative of those demobilized, designated by the Resistance, In the ministries who will concern themselves with the affairs of the ex-combatants and their families in areas such as health, agrarian reform, work and so on The Contras will thus take part in the government and will have Its ear on all the sensitive questions, such as land and work conflicta.
This accord proposes the Installation of Contras in zones where land will be glven to them (perhaps taken back from the peasante who have benefited from the Sandinista agrarian reform..1 the
Contras will recelve urban and agricultural property titles (the same, perhaps, that the present government wants to selze back from those who received them after 1979.
This accord Is a declaration of war on the FSLN. The UNO Is try-
Ing to speed up the counter revolution.