Interview with Filippino union leader
Working for labor unity
INTRODUCTION by Pierre Rousset
W
E REPRODUCE below an interview
Ernesto with
Arellano, vice-president of the National Federation of
Labor and deputy general secretary of the
KMU — the Kilusang Mayo Uno or May
1 Movement, the most important class struggle trade union federation in the Phi-
This interview originally lippines.
appeared in issue 26, May-June 1990, of
Against the Current, a publication sponsored by "Solidarity"
, a
U.S. socialist organization.
hAAA
In this interview Arellano reviews the circumstances that led to the uprising military of
December 1989, the sixth and most serious of the coup d'états attempted since 1986 against the
Corazon Aquino regime see IV 176, December
25, 1989). He also outlines the policy pursued by the KMU on the question of trade union unity.
Ernesto Arellano also explains the radical change of position made by the KMU in relation to the Tiananmen Square massacre of June 1989.
The initial communique of the KMU, dated June
11, 1989, largely accepted the official explanation of events presented by the Chinese government. The KMU affirmed itself "deeply concerned with what is happening in
Beijing" and hoped for a decisive end to the bloodshed and chaos. But it also expressed "its full support to the Chinese people under the able leadership of the
Chinese Communist Party". It declared itself "glad that despite the efforts of the imperialist governments" (U.S. and British above all, "the CCP and the People's
Liberation Army have been able to moderate the conflict and are now moving toward resolution of the underlying issues"
This position provoked a good deal of
24 opposition and emotion in the Philippines and elsewhere, amongst those who
International Viewpoint #185 • May 21, 1990 had always supported the actions of this trade union federation, born in 1980 under the Marcos dictatorship and itself hit many times by repression. As the second communique of the KMU notes, its initial position had "disconcerted its members, friends and supporters". • Moreover, some international organizations seized this occasion to reduce or interrupt their assistance to the KMU.
The events in China have a particular importance for the militant left in the Philippines. It has been, historically, profoundly marked by the Chinese revolution. The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its guerilla army,
UAW Philippine the New People's Army, are of Maoist origin. They are an influential driving force in the main current of the left in the Philippines, the so-called "national democratic" current, which includes a clandestine element, organized in the National Democratic Front (NDF), and a legal component, organized in the coalition known as Bayan (the New Nationalist Alliance).
The KMU is part of this latter, legal grouping. The Bayan coalition's position on the Chinese events was cautious, but overall critical of the regime. It "deplored the indiscriminate use of arms in dispersing the students and civilians" in Tiananmen Square. It also "reiterated [its] solidarity with the Chinese people in their struggle for reforms to strengthen socialist China". As for the clandestine organizations - the CPP, the NDF and the NPA - they have not published any declarations on the subject. The KMU was thus the only important left organization, inside the national democratic current, to have publicly supported the
Chinese government and Communist Party, after the repression of the democratic movement.
There has been general condemnation of the Tiananmen massacre by the other currents of the Philippine left. The socialist organization Bisig, for example, declare itself "outraged" by the massacre and expressed its "solidarity and support for the Chinese people in their struggle against a despotic and beastly gerontocracy."
The publication of the June 11 communique came, according to Arellano, as a shock even to many members of the KMU leadership. This statement had not in fact been discussed by more than a handful of people, and even then no firm conclusions had been drawn. On top of the basic problem — the attitude to the
Chinese events - the
IRONGHORI publication of the communique thus raised questions of democratic functioning. The federation of which Ernesto
Arellano is the vice- president, the NPL, which is a member of the
KMU, forcibly and officially condemned the repression.
These were the circumstances in which the leading bodies of the KMU met to publish a new communique in which the statement of June 11 was retracted. In this second declaration the KMU:
"strongly disagrees with
GARAAY the way in which the mass protests at Tiananmen Square were quelled.
We hereby denounce the killing of workers, students and soldiers."
Besides the interview with Arellano, we are also publishing the NFL's communique and the second declaration of the
KMU according to the versions in Against the Current. *
T HERE have been six attempt-
Led military coups against President Corazon Aquino, the latest of which might have succeeded if not for U.S. air support for her government. What is the attitude of the KMU and the popular movement toward the coup and possible future ones - what would happen if Aquino were overthrown?
The December coup was the most serious so far. This came about because of a series of betrayals by the Aquino government of what the 1986 uprising has meant for the oppressed of the Philippines. The "people's uprising", as it was called, involved various people's organizations in the overthrow of the Marcos dictatorship. Some of these had been organized following the assassination of Benigno Aquino, Cory's late husband.
Also, however, in that uprising, a faction of the military participated - the Revolutionary Armed Forces Movement (RAM) headed by Gregorio Honasan. The new president Corazon Aquino failed to cultivate her base among the popular organizations that had helped her to power, opting instead to embrace the military component of the 1986 uprising.
This was manifested after the first coup attempt, when the two progressive personalities whom she had appointed to executive positions, Joker Arroyo, a top Aquino aide, and Labor Minister Augusto Sanchez, were the first to go, as the military demanded.
This already indicated that she was leaning more and more to the right. She com-
L PHILIPPINES
National Federation of Labour's Statement on China THE National Federation of Labour, through its National Executive Board meeting on July 14, 1989,
• Condemns the killing of great numbers of students, workers and sections of the civilian population in early June and the subsequent crushing of the democracy movement;
• Decries the recourse to repressive measures by the state to contain social unrest rather than facing up to the challenge of systemic reforms;
• Deplores the tendency of the media to sensationalize what is complex reality and to fall back on black-and-white moralizing of the Cold War era;
• Affirms the inviolability of human rights and human dignity in all socioeconomic systems, whether socialist states such as China or underdeveloped countries such as the Philippines; and
• Demands the release of all political prisoners in China, the institution of fundamental reforms to enhance political democracy, and the recognition of basic rights such as the freedoms of expression and association and the other trade union rights.
While recognizing the flaws and even aberrations in the attempts to establish socialism in various countries, the National Federation of Labour reiterates its critique of capitalism as a dehumanizing system and reaffirms its commitment to the vision of a new order of freedom, justice, equality and peace. * pletely forgot the sectoral organizations that were long involved in the struggle against Marcos' one-man rule, organizations started at the very time of the 1972 martial law decree, longstanding organizations of workers, farmers, student and church organizations who fought in the 1986 uprising.
After every coup, the president became the captive of the ultra-right sector of the military. Whether from naivete or whatever other reason, she didn't realize that
NO DISCOUNT?
the military had made and unmade Marcos, that it also made Cory Aquino and could unmake her. This is the long term effect of the martial-law regime, where the military became a decisive force in the country's political life, and now they won't simply go back to the barracks and submit to civilian power.
Vigilante violence against the popular movement has continued, as reflected by Executive Order 264, creating the "Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Units" (CAGFU). Instead of dismantling the paramilitary units, Aquino legitimized them.
The same year that Cory Aquino came to power saw the assassination of KMU chairperson Rolando Olalia, and a few months later the notorious massacre of farmers in front of Malacanang, the presi- formard in front of Molocanana the preci dential palace. These events isolated the once-popular Aquino from the sectoral popular organizations, from which she could have derived the support that could have effectively neutralized the military.
Even those who supported her campaign for the presidency have had to move out. The resignation of the former director of the National Economic Development Authority, Solita Monsood, came over the program the government submitted to the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. This whole chain of events isolated Aquino and emboldened the military to attack. • Did the U.S. Intervene on her side in the recent coup attempt in order to protect the future of the American military bases in the Philippines?
I think so. The Aquino government is simply interested in increasing the rent and the military aid it gets from the United States - it's been very clear from the start that she is willing to extend the bases 25 agreement. Sovereignty isn't for her the May 21, 1990 • #185 International Viewpoint
PHILIPPINES issue; it's just a matter of setting the price.
Washington could have easily allowed the coup to succeed by not intervening. But I think this would jeopardize its position, because for a junta to take over by a coup will eventually be repressive, forcing the people to look to other alternatives represented by the growing guerilla movement.
So while Aquino is seen as very weak by the Washington policy makers, she remains their best bet to maintain the legitimacy of government. If she is deposed by the military, whatever military or military-civilian junta took over would be unable to rule, would have no legitimate mandate.
The experience of the people under Marcos with the military was quite horrible, and they would resist. It might not be immediate, but I think that they are prepared to resist, given the strengthening of the sectoral organizations and the presence of a growing armed underground movement. So the military solution or coup d'état will be simply a disaster for the Washington policymakers. • When you spoke at a public meeting last night, you mentioned that the KMU has made progress in breaking down a "Berlin Wall" between your labor center and other unions in the Philippines. I'm interested both in the KMU's strategy for building unity of Philippine workers, and in the terminology you used. As a labor center in the context of a third world struggle, do you feel that the enormous changes in the world, the so-called end of the cold war, the upheavals in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, China, etc. create better or more difficult conditions for your struggle?
In the main, the climate for organizing and doing coalition work with other and doing coalition work with other trade-union groups has become more permissive. That's how we feel, because the developments in Eastern Europe show that the socialist system has the capacity to recognize the people's demands. This is also shown in Latin America by the Nicaraguan experience. The [liberation] movements that the capitalist countries perceive as inflexible or sectarian have the capacity to accept others' political views.
In the Philippines, I think we started on this process even earlier. The uprising in 1986 provided us with a little breathing space. At least, we entered into a coalition with other labor groups, which was unthinkable ten years ago — unthinkable on both sides, both the conservative unions and our own.
The rivalries between unions then were very sharp. In 1986, I think we realized the need to unite the labor movement in 26 the Philippines. It has been so fragmented. Many of the labor organizations were International Viewpoint #185 • May 21, 1990
KMU issues new statement on Tiananmen massacre
THE National Executive Committee of the Kilusang Mayo Uno retracts the KMU statement last June 11, 1989 on the Beijing Incident.
Seriously concerned over the fast unfolding events last June 3-4 in Beijing, the shock they created in the world, and the malicious attacks Imperialists were hurling at socialist China, we issued a statement in defence of the historic achievements made by the Chinese people.
However, the reference to "the able leadership of the Communist Party of China" in our statement of support to the Chinese people and the Implication that we supposedly support the Communist Party, its current leadership and its actions last June 3 and 4 was unintended and uncalled for.
The KMU is a genuine trade union center, Its first and foremost concern is the welfare of the people and specifically the workers here and abroad. The unfortunate Implication that KMU condones the killing has been distorted in some quarters and has disconcerted its members, friends and supporters.
The KMU national leadership spent a lot of time discussing the statement and considered the reactions from member unions and all concerned friends here and abroad. We thank all of them for their serious concern with the developments in China and for drawing the attention of the KMU to the Implications of its statement.
Therefore, the KMU National Executive Committee headed by its Chairperson, In the name of all its members, Issues now the following statement concerning the Beijing Incident:
The KMU is deeply saddened by the social unrest and crisis that has gripped China today. We extend full support to the Chinese people during this period of difficulty and wish them success in rooting out the causes of social unrest and in resolving the crisis.
The KMU strongly disagrees with the way the mass protests at Tienanmen Square were quelled. We hereby denounce the killing and wounding of workers, students and soldiers.
We grieve with the families and friends of the victims and mourn the deep wound the Incidents have created in the hearts of the Chinese people.
We are worrled and disturbed by the unfolding of events after the June 3 tragedy. We hope that the factors in the sociopolitical structure and economic relations that underlie the social unrest in China will be addressed Immediately. We also hope that the Chinese people will be successful in fending off Imperialist meddling In China's affairs. The Chinese people, especially the workers, have a big task ahead in defending and pushing forward the gains of socialism and democracy in China, which the KMU wholeheartedly supports. * highly centralized. A number of them were considered the personal property of their founders - positions were even inherited by the children of the organizers.
On the basis of our analysis we formulated three basic principles - for genuine, militant and nationalist trade unions. "Nationalist" refers to our desire to involve the workers in analyzing the economic and political conditions in the Philippines and adopting a position on them.
The conservative unions remain suspicious of us. The "Berlin Wall" between the unions is still there. This is further reinforced by the international policy of the AFL-CIO and some other international trade secretariats. The AFL-CIO is telling union leaders, "Don't talk to Arellano".
•
It's encouraging in the Philippines that the two labor centers, the Labor Advisory Coordinating Council (LACC)' of which the KMU is a member and the
Trade Union Congress of the Philippines (TUCP) can meet and discuss certain issues, particularly wage issues. This is a very limited area of discussion, a modest step towards unifying the labor movement.
Of course, we still hold the view that many unions in the Philippines are "yellow" (company unions), and a number of their contracts are below minimum standards. But our experience has been that workers' awareness is growing regarding the company unions, forcing them to consider their role as unions.
Atlas Copper Mining and Development Corporation provides an example. For more than a decade, workers there were under the Associated Labor Union (ALU), the biggest federation within the TUCP. KMU's affiliate, the Southern Philippines Federation of Labor, was able to conclude a contract there, with far better benefits than the ALU contract. So, even though the repression was tremendous in
the last union representation election,
SPFL still won by a landslide.
Even the yellow unions are being forced to develop a more pro-worker stance and drop their role as company unions. This factor requires the development of a certain amount of tolerance on our part for these unions, even though we won't drop our observation that they maintain substandard contracts.
As we discuss with them, issues that they traditionally consider non-trade union problems - such as the foreign debt, American bases, right-wing vigilantes and agrarian reform - have been raised. Little by little, they understand the need to address these issues, because, I think, the actual conditions in the Philippines are pushing them.
For instance, workers last year obtained a 25-peso increase in the daily minimum wage, but in six months this has been completely eroded. This compels them to rethink their positions, and at this point
KMU's alternative agenda becomes acceptable to these groups.
But certain labor groups and leaders have always redbaited KMU. We've grown accustomed to that from the time we first organized KMU.
And the red-baiting is still there.
• There has been considerable negative publicity surrounding the first statement by the
KMU on the Chinese events, supporting the
Chinese Communist Party in the
Tienan men massacre, and questions regarding the subsequent reversal of that position.
Can you comment on the substance and the process of the KMU's policy?
The first statement of the KMU supporting the Chinese Communist
Party leadership, did not reflect the majority view of the National Executive Committee or the National Council.
The NEC is composed of 15 members or less, the NC of 45. It is the
National Council that is the policymaking body between national conventions, while the NEC is the policy-making and implementing arm in between meetings of the NC.
There was a limited discussion first, on the NEC level but without a quorum. We have a secretariat, which is charged with overseeing the daily activities of the KMU, and one of these tasks is to prepare statements after discussion of a certain issue. So the release of the first statement was a shock to the majority of the NEC, and more so to the members of the National Council. For this reason, we had to call for a full-blown discussion by both bodies, the NEC and the NC.
I took the position that the massacre of the pro-democracy demonstrators in Beijing should be condemned, but that we should at the same time be aware that our commitment to the people's socialist struggle in the Philippines, China and worldwide is unwavering.
However, the convening of the NEC and the NC took some time. My organization, the National Federation of Labor, informed the KMU that we could not identify with the statement issued by the KMU, and we issued our own statement.
The NFL, organized in 1947, had been a union dominated by one family, but it was transformed by the infusion of new blood. All of our KMU-affiliated federa-
PHILIPPINES tions have overcome the phenomenon I spoke of earlier, of one-man domination and of splitting when there is any disagreement over leadership. The KMU leadership in fact tolerated our statement — we encouraged all the member federations to present their positions.
To me and to all my colleagues, the process that followed the first statement was very encouraging. We underwent a vigorous process of discussion. It's unfortunate that the first KMU statement is being exploited by our detractors, because the process we underwent demonstrated our capacity to correct our own errors through our internal processes, without breaking up the organization.
What isn't known to trade unions here in the United States and Europe is the internal debate that went on immediately after the first statement was issued. Some territorial and industrial alliances of KMU (another part of the KMU's organizing structure, linking up with peasants, the unemployed, and so on) also issued statements that differed from the first KMU statement.
The absence of information about this process and the heated debate among the members and within the committees, has led many unions abroad to be skeptical about the genuineness of our statement retracting the first one. It is important to make these things known. * 1. The LACC, formed shortly after the 1986 uprising, includes the KMU and three other labor federation groupings. The TUCP, supported by the AFL-CIO, broke with the LACC when its demands for representation equal to that of the other four groups combined was rejected. The TUCP was conciliatory to Marcos martial law regime and received preferential treatment under the dictatorship. The TUCP also demanded the removal of Labor Minister Sanchez after the first coup attempt.
27 May 21, 1990 #185 International Viewpoint