The social democrats launched a big but empty campaign. Its main slogan was "It's high time for another policy". ". But it was not at all clear what concretely this meant. There were only marginal differences between the election programs of CDA, VVD, PvdA and D66. This was a deliberate choice by the PydA leadership. From the beginning they campaigned for a
International Viewpoint #171 • October 16, 1989
NETHERLANDS again, "you have to vote for us. The
RESULT OF ELECTIONS government parties have to lose their majority, and the PdA has to become the biggest, so that we can take the ini-
1989 votes.
CDA 3.141.157 35,3
PvdA 2.833.266 31,9
VVD 1.296.049 14,6
D66 700.863 7,9
Groen Links 361.274 4,1
Christ.right 361.457 4,1
Centrumpart. 81.215 0,9
Total coalition with the Christian democrats.
After seven years of opposition the social democrats are willing to pay almost anything to be allowed in government again. So to avoid complicated negotiations with Lubbers after the elections they made the necessary concessions in advance. Their opposition in parliament was already very weak and outside parliament the social democrats have been absent from the struggles waged by nurses and others.
In parliament and in his election campaign PvdA leader Wim Kok failed to explain where the money would come from for the new policies. Middle income workers were therefore open to the argument that they would be better off with Lubbers. Since no satisfactory answers were given to such accusations the social democrats failed to win votes among middle layers.
More votes for racist Centrumpartij
Kok also failed to get the main victims of Lubbers out to vote. The social democrats lost a lot in the old working class districts of the cities, where many people didn't bother to vote, in a clear rejection of the policies of the social democrats. That same feeling resulted in more votes for the racist Centrumpartij. That all this will not change automatically is moreover shown by the fact that the PdA's results among youth, where traditional party loyalties count less, were very bad: less than one out of four new voters voted PvdA, while almost one out of three voted for Lubbers.
After years of discussion and unsuccessful initiatives, the fall of the government and the early election finally impelled four parties to the left of social democracy decided to form a common slate. The crisis of these parties has resulted over the years in a big decline in membership, support and activities. The election result
1986 seats percentage votes
54
54
34.6
49
52
33,3
22
27
17,4
12
6,1
9
3,3
6
3.6
1
0
0,1
150
150
3.051.918
3.051.678
1.596.991
562.466
305.230
331.703
12.277 tiative in negotiations with Lubbers". Ria Beckers, the main candidate of Groen Links, had no answer to this powertalk, because Groen Links is also in lavour of a PVdA-CDA coali- also in favour of a PvdA-CDA coalition.
But it is obvious that there will only be minor differences between the policies of a CDA-PvdA coalition led by Lubbers and a CDA-VVD coalition led by Lubbers. Groen Links should therefore call on the social democrats to build a real alternative to the policies of the right in the unions, movements and struggles. But because of their parliamentarist approach and because — as they say — "the new shows that their problems were not solved by their decision to cooperate more. The green-left slate only got 55,000 votes - that is, less than one seat more than the individual parties together in 1986, when they had their worst result and lost 5 seats. Even so, it is necessary
Decause - as hey say — me new green-left approach must be realistic" they were trapped in the traditional lesser evil outlook of the PdA.
One seat majority for
Christian democrats The two government parties kept their to build a political alternative to the right and to social- democracy, and that will take time, initiatives and discussion. The limited but real growth of support for the green-left slate among youth, women, migrants and trade -unionists shows that there is a basis to begin to build it.
### Green-Left results disappointing
But it is also true that the green-left result is disappointing, and that more was possible. There were many political weaknesses in the campaign, not only due to the fact that the coalition was only recently formed. Groen Links built its profile mainly on the fact that it was "new" and "fresh" (which impressed nobody after the first weeks) and on its ecological proposals. This, apart from the fact that some of these proposals were bad, was too one-sided. Socio-economic issues only played a secondary role in the campaign of Groen Links. The necessity of a shorter work-week without loss of pay, of a wage increase for workers in the private and public sector and for people on the dole, of more money for health- care, housing and education...such issues were kept away from the centre of the campaign.
Finally Groen Links created much confusion about the differences with the PdA. The social democrats campaigned to become the biggest party. They explained that the formation of a new government containing the PvdA depended on the relationship of forces with the right. "If you want the PdA in government" , Wim Kok said again and likely. A majority of only one seat is not very comfortable, and there are, as explained before, political reasons for the Christian democrats to change partners. Lubbers has already begun negotiating and has announced that he wants to finish the talks on forming a new government in less than two months.
Whether he will succeed is not yet clear, but there is every chance that he will. That doesn't mean however that the situation will be stable and without risks for the employers. Relations between the PvdA and the trade union leadership have diminished over the years. And the direct influence of the PvdA on the rank-and-file of the unions has decreased a lot in comparison with the sixties and seventies.
It is therefore doubtful that the PvdA will be able to force the unions into a new period of cuts and moderation when it comes to wages, social security and a shorter work-week to reduce unemployment. And the social democrats will have many problems in a coalition government if — as is by no means ruled out - there follows a new recession.
These are all reasons for activists and currents to the left of social democracy not to have any illusions in a CDA-PvdA coalition. Expectations about reasonable• ness and illusions about changes that will certainly not come, will only disorient the left and those who come into struggle.
In the next period it is necessary, just as before, to strengthen and develop actions, campaigns, struggles and the selforganization of workers, youth, women and migrants. It is necessary to fight the right, win some gains and build a socialist 13 political alternative. *
October 16, 1989 • #171 International Viewpoint percentage seats majority, but a change of coalition is very
NETHERLANDS
SAP campaign:
"Give the bill to the rich"
three "programs" of five minutes each because it put up candidates in all districts. Hundreds of persons reacted to these transmissions and asked for campaign material, wall-posters and the party's election program. Campaign wins new members
The SAP obtained 4300 votes which is 700 more than in 1986. That is more than
THE Dutch Socialist Workers' Party (SAP - Socialistiese Arbeiferspartij, Dutch section of the Fourth International) was excluded from the negotiations about a common left slate, that led to the formation of Groen Links. W hen Groen Links published its program it became clear why the CPN and PPR refused to invite the SAP to the talks. The very detailed program is not socialist, does not challenge the power and possessions of the ruling class, and has many other weaknesses. The SAP could not sign the program without important improvements.
### Women and youth right to immigrate;
• right to vote for everyone of 16 years and older, and also for immigrants.
In it's campaign the SAP proposed that a choice be made to take money from the rich and from profits and to cut the military budget drastically. The SAP explained that the main factories and plants have to be brought under control of the whole of society, in order to stop the destruction of the environment and to create the means and structures to satisfy the demands of the workers, youth, women and migrants.
"Give the bill to the rich" was the title of the SAP's election program and was printed on its wall-posters and on the more than 250,000 pieces of campaignmaterial (papers, leaflets, a youth paper, a paper to distribute among workers) that were distributed during the campaign.
The SAP had the right to broadcast two TV-commercials of two minutes, and most comrades expected (or feared). It was estimated that the formation of Groen Links would have some attraction on persons in the periphery of the party too. That proved to be the case, but new people were also interested in and attracted by the proposals of the SAP.
That response is more important than the exact number of votes. Compared with the 1986 campaign, twice as many persons phoned or wrote for material.
The familiarity with the party grew, due to the party's TV programs, several interviews and articles in dailies and some appearances on (local and national) radio and — on the evening of the elections itself - TV.
The party won new subscribers, new supporters, new members and possibly one or two new branches. The party leadership was therefore unanimously very positive when it evaluated the campaign.* candidates
The SAP therefore participated with its own candidates in the elections. The SAP slate of thirty candidates included eight persons younger than 30 years, which made it the youngest slate. Half of the candidates were women. To stress the key role of struggles all SAP candidates were activists from movements, unions and campaigns. There were dockworkers, activists who were involved in the recent strike in the health-sector, industrial workers, activists from the peace movement and ecological movements and comrades involved in women's liberation activities.
Friend and enemy agreed that the main slogan of the SAP contrasted sharply with those of the other parties and was at least very clear. "Give the bill to the rich" summarized in a provocative way that there is money enough for wages, dole, social security and to stop and cure the destruction of the environment.
The SAP campaigned with a platform of thirteen concrete demands and propo sals, including:
• a shorter work-week without loss of pay;
• free child-care on demand;
• stop military spending, the Netherlands out of NATO and NATO out of the Netherlands;
• an increase in wages, dole, retire14 ment pensions and social security;
• stop racism, end limitations on the
Social gains under the knife
The Danish Trotskyist paper speclalist, Here also there Is a Klassekampen spoke 10 the maximum. SAP's Wim Baltussen about ts costs a families with two the record of the Lubber's gov- children around 1,000 guilders a emmem. year to keep them in school
We have to pay a minimum of
When the bourgeois Lubbers 1,500 gullders to register at a unigovernment took over In 1982. i we versity The government plan Is got a real right-wing regime that that henceforward some forms of modeled Itself on Thatcher. But it education should be more expenwanted to carry out Its program at sive than others At the same a slower pace time, sections of the public sec
Big cutbacks were set in motion tor have been privatized in education, social welfare and The government has been skillhealth, for example. In every new ful in splitting the popuation and budget, the belt was tightened making it harder to mount a unitmore. This continued through the ed fightback against this attack 1980g, so thal in many respcts we A lypical example is the so-called have a different soclety today decentralization of funds for than we did al the beginning of the municipal and county governdecade. ments.
User payment have been intro- The budgets In the municipall. duced. Today, you have to pay for ties and countles are based on services that were free, because appropriations by the national they were paid for all at once government. This means that the through taxes. national government has consid
It costs 19 gullders a year, If we erable control over how much want to borrow books from librar- money the countles and munci. les. It started al 1,50 guilders, but palities can spend. Many of them went up rapidly. therefore have had to adminisier it costs 2.50 guilders for every cutbacks At the same time, tasks visit to a reading room, although have been translerred to the local there is a yearly maximum governments that they do not
It costs 27 guilders to go to a have the money to carry out".
International Viewpoint #171 • October 16, 1989
EUROPE