Repercussions of the
Polish workers movement in China
This article was first published in October Review, a revolutionary Marxist journal published in Hong Kong, in August 1982. The English translation is by October Review, who will publish it in English in November 1982. The 1980 autumn heat has reached from Gdansk to Beijing, across ten thousand the workers strike movement started in Poland, regimes of the Soviet bloc at once signalled a red light and denounced the workers for their socialist" attempt to form an independent trade union. The Polish United Workers Party (PUWP) was urged to respond
But the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership responded quite differently. It might have estimated that the Soviet army would intervene in Poland as it had done in Hungary and Czechoslovakia. In the official organ of the CCP, the People's Daily, anti-Soviet propaganda had been focussing on Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and Kampuchea (allegedly through Vietnam). The anti-Soviet feelof the Polish people apparently tuned in well with their propaganda; thus its coverage on the strike movement in Poland was rather detailed and favourable. This proved to have far-reaching
On July 25 and 29, 1980, the Peoples Daily reported on the development of the Polish strike movement and the underlying economic reasons. From August 14, when the strike movement began to turn white-hot, the Peoples Daily reported on the developments almost every day for a month. In the August 14 report, it pointdemands, the striking workers also "put trade union den a forst 18, he front trade union". On August 18, the page headline read "Some factories in Poland set up Strike Co-ordinating Committees in unison, and put forward 16 demands to the government." The reportage also quoted from the Strike Coordinating Committee's communique: "Even when the strike is over, the Strike Coordinating Committee will not dissolve but will continue to struggle for the realization of their demands; they will become the provincial committees of the free trade union... The workers make political demands such as the end of censorship, guarantee of the freedom of speech and publication, formation of a free trade union, elimination of privileges, release of political prisoners and others." commentary on the same day entitled "The Polish strike movement is on the upsurge" pointed out that the workers
"also demanded the formation of free trade unions to carry out reforms in industrial management in order to expand the role of workers self-management com-
After August 20, the Peoples showing the strike workers distributing leaflets and the picket lines guarding occupied fac-
With the coverage already started, the People's Daily had to report on the result of the strike movement - the victory of
Solidarity. One healt 31 the Poles gie amend the headline: Polish government reached agreement with the strike committee and agreed to the workers forming an independent trade union; workers have decided to resume work."
Thanks to the reportage in the CCP official papers, the people of China have generally come to know the methods, political demands and victory of the Polish workers who have united nationally to struggle with the POWP. The effects of the Polish events on the broad masses in China was more than the CCP leadership expected and, in the later stage, irreversible. Of course, the People's Daily repeatedly attacked Soviet hegemonism and warned of Soviet intentions to repeat the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia, hoping to divert attention from struggle, yet it could not disguise the fact that although anti-Soviet feelings played a part, the spearhead of the Polish workers struggles was directed first and foremost the PUWP bureaucracy. The Polish workers were putting forward demands primarily as workers and not as Poles.
People's Daily on August 20, had made a reference to the demand of the Polish workers in 1976: "All power to the working class!"
Indeed, as the Polish events unfolded, the CCP was increasingly aware that it was playing with fire. The People's Daily started te publish more articles appealing for real concern for the interests of the masses and for the people's deputies to genuinely represent the people. A big deal was made of reporting that the Bohai No. 2 oil ship disaster (caused by bureaucratism and not dealt with for a long time was finally taken seriously by the authorities, quoting this to illustrate the government's resolve to fight bureaucratism. The papers also described how the trade unions defended the living standards of the workers and how the third session of the Fifth National People's Congress was "a congress of democracy and reform". All these were meant to persuade the people that the CCP and the POWP were different, and the Chinese masses had no need to follow in the footsteps of the Polish workers.
The reportage in the Workers' Daily is a good indication of the fear of the CCP regime. On August 22, the pape on the workers strike move ment in Poland and also mentioned the demand for a free trade union. But after paper refused to again. Even on the occasion of the August of the Polish workers, Worker' Daily remained silent. Its last words about the Polish events appeared on September 1 when it reported that the Szececin workers had reached agreement with the government; Solidarity was not mentioned. Nevertheless, the impact of the Polish workers movement is obvious
Workers' Daily repeatedly appealed that "the most fundamental requisite for trade union work is to link up with the masses."
Anyway, the seeds of the anti-bureaucratic struggle of the Polish workers, ironically enough sown by the CCP itself, rapidly germinated and grew in Chinese soil where the serious economic difficulties and bureaucratic dictatorship have caused a general, deep, indignation among the people. The Chinese people expressed their excitement over the Polish events in words and action.
Samizdat publications, expressing the people's true feelings, immediately congratulated the Polish workers, analysed this valuable experience, and drew the lessons from the struggle of the Polish workers. The Chinese working class also reacted by actual organization, action and strikes; the demand for a Solidarity-type independent trade union gained popularity. Even students demanded an independent students' union and started the organizational work of linking up with each other all over the country.
SOLIDARITY FROM SAMIZDAT
PUBLICATIONS
Samizdat publications, whose banner is democracy and whose aim is to carry the Chinese revolution to the end, sprung up in Beijing in November 1978. It did not take long for such publications to spread all over the country. Most of them managed to stay independent of party
The samizdat publications responded to the Polish events with enthusiastic greetings and unconditional internationalist solidarity. Over ten samizdat publications reported and analysed the events and expressed solidarity. Firstly, the editorial of Sea Waves of Quingdao, No. 7 (August 1980) headlined "Congratulations to the glorious victory of the
gave an answer: "The rule of the bureau- of the degree of seriousness from the fear people." (Reprinted in October Review, rule of the bourgeoisie... the only cor-ment leaders.
Polish workers organization" pointed out that this is "a new era in the history of the communist movement". It said, "Public ownership of the means of production has not eliminated exploitation and repression ... Privileges which have replaced capital are repressing the labourers in a more undisguised, intensive way than capital. There is no sign whatever of Marx's most basic idea — the emancipation of man ... From Poland came the news of victory of the struggle of the working class. This event tells us that: socialisnı should be a method for seeking the emancipation of man ... one-party structure leads to dictatorship." (The article was reprinted in October Review, December 1981).
Sea Waves carried in its No. 10 issue (November 1980) an article "On the irresistibility of a multi-party system in the light of the Polish independent trade union" which said: "The Polish workers strike movement led by Walesa gained victory with the formation of the independent trade union, and it has become the most glorious new starting point in the history of the international communist movement ... When the workers go on a massive strike and themselves organize a trade union that represents the interests of the workers, when the workers have the possibility of their own independent activities, a political party in essence has come out. Political parties are simply organizations which have common purpose, unified will, a program and unanimous interests. The Polish Solidarity has all the above conditions... Therefore, a second political party has finally emerged in socialist Poland, and it is a political party truly belonging to the working class.
*The impact of the victory of the Polish working class is far from what they themselves can estimate, and it is not limited by national boundaries. It is a brand new milestone for the communist system. It has shaken and negated all regimes carrying the brand of socialism. It is an example for the labouring people
August 1981) The Times of Beijing also carried an article in its January 1981 issue warmly praising the impact made by the Polish workers "socialist countries".
Voice of Democracy of Shanghai held a panel discussion of editors and readers to discuss the Polish workers strike movement. The Association of friends devoted to democracy of Qingdao even posted up leaflets and slogans on 16 December 1980 in support of the Polish workers move. ment and in protest against the Soviet threat of invasion.
The samizdat publications also surpassed the limits of official news coverage. The December 1980 Free Forum Guangzhou, The Sail of Shanxi, and even the organ of the National Unofficial Publications Association - Duty, have reprinted "The 21 demands of the Polish workers" and "The Charter of rights of the Polish workers" , so that the people can know the detailed demands of the Polish workers.
In fact, through the Polish events, the samizdat publications draw out not only the common repressions faced by the Polish and the Chinese workers but also the perspective for ending the repression. They point out that in Poland, freedom of publication can be achieved through strikes. In No. 5 of Duty, Xin Hua in his article "A brief discussion of the four fundamental principles" criticized the CCP's breach of the law and said that the workers, if they have to fight for their rights, must strike. "The Polish working class also struggled through strikes, and enlightened us on how to solve a whole series of questions such as how to raise the status of the working class and overcome bureaucratic rule in the existing socialist system. Thus it can be seen that strikes develop in conjunction with the development of the working class; they have played a very active role in history and now still have a progressive significance." (The article was reprinted in October Review, April 1981).
rect outlet is to build a system of proletarian democracy suitable for this particular transitional period in history, organically and firmly linking up true public ownership with true democracy so that they will complement and guarantee each other in the forward stride on the road to true socialism." It warned that "there is the possibility that China would accomplish radical revolution by a road more chaotic than Poland's i.. Let us firmly •unite under the banner of proletarian democracy, and fight to eliminate all class rule, class exploitation and class repression, and help advance China's overall modernization construction!"
RESPONSE OF WORKERS AND STUDENTS
The Polish workers movement has not only had an impact on militants of the samizdat publications. Despite the government blockade of news, fragmentary information shows that since November 1980, strikes and workers' actions have repeatedly occurred in China. Moreover, the demands that the workers put forward are not limited to economic ones, but also include the demand to set up Polish style independent trade unions. According to April 14, 1981, foreign correspondence, 20 to 30 strikes and demonstrations had taken place in China in the autumn of 1980.
Samizdat The Sail (December 1980 issue) reported on the spontaneous action of workers in the Taiyuan Steel Factory to fight for improving their conditions and defending their interests. This action was linked to the Polish trade union movement and the article proclaimed that "The working class of our country has reawakened." (Reprinted in October Review March 1981).
The official Changjiang Daily, 14 January 1981, reported of attempts to organize independent trade unions.
The official Wuhan Daily, on 29 Janu-
Beijing Youth announced that it ary 1981, reported that some Wuhan of the socialist countries. It starts and develops the possibility of continuous revo- Polish event" and "Discussion of the lution under socialist conditions.
"The Polish workers movement tells all communist parties that the emergence of a multi-party system in all communist countries is now on the agenda." (The article was reprinted in October Review January 1982).
In November 1980, Xu Wenli, editor of Correspondence Studies Beijing, wrote "A letter to Walesa, chairman of Solidarity in Poland"', greeting the victory of the Polish workers. The editorial board of Beijing Youth also wrote "A letter to the whole Polish people" in December 1980, pointing out that "the August 31 accords and the ruling of the Polish Supreme Court on October 10 are milestones in the course towards socialist democracy." It hoped that all countries in the world will give fraternal aid to Poland", "We send our fraternal greetings and comradely salutes to the whole Polish would carry two articles "Analysis of the Workers Congress" in its third issue, which would look at China's system of workers congress in the light of the Polish event.
As for the Qingdao Theoretical Banner the Polish experience brought it to adopt the perspective of the end of bureaucratic rule and consolidation of proletarian democracy. Its editorial of February 1981 issue, "The death knell sounds for the rule of the bureaucratic privileged class" pointed out that "the primary rea son for the victory of the independent trade union in Poland is the quickened decomposition of bureaucratic privileges and the general awakening and true solidarity of the masses." It posed the ques tion: "The present problem is: with what are we going to replace the rule of the bureaucratic privileged class?' It then cratic class must not be replaced by the workers demanded the formation of free trade unions.
The editorial of the official Workers Daily 16 February 1981, mentioned that in many regions (including Shanghai, Wuhan and Xian), workers wanted to organize independent trade unions.
On 8 March 1981, three printing work• ers from Taiyuan were sentenced to imprisonment for organizing the "China Democratic Party".
The demand to organize independent trade unions was not limited to the central plains of China. The Lhasa Radio reported on 24 January 1981 that among those arrested during a demonstration, there were workers wanting to organize an independent trade union.
It is difficult for the outside world to come to know the actual number and scale of strikes not reported in the official media. However, speculation can be made and vigilance expressed by the govern-
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Students were also affected by the Polish example. The official Changjiang Daily of 14 January 1981 reported of attempts to organize independent students unions. Samizdat publications revealed that Tu Shen, the Hunan student leader, went on a hunger strike with 87 students in October 1980 and then led a student delegation to petition in Beijing. On his way, he exchanged ideas with students from other universities, and they discussed preparations for setting up a national students' union to truly represent the interests of students.
THE CCP'S RESPONSE AND COUNTER-MEASURES
The CCP's leadership takes the Polish events seriously. It is conscious that the Chinese workers are likely to follow the Polish example and perhaps in a more radical way. When the Polish workers gained victory, the CCP leadership promptly reviewed the situation. The Hong Kong Seventies Monthly (April 1981) reprinted an internal document produced by the propaganda department of a provincial committee in China on 25 November 1980 and this document was already "A further discussion on the Polish event". The document reviewed the economic mistakes in Poland, and concentrated on discussing the party leadership's "decay", "degeneration" "serious bureaucratization", "antagonism to the broad masses", the fact that "the party cadres clique up to pursue selfish interests, manipulate their power to seek privileges ... extreme disparity between the rich and the poor exists in society" The document pointed out that the "impact of the Polish event far exceeds its national bou daries. It proposed that the authorities should adopt contingent measures including the following: "to express that it would promote extensive socialist democracy ... recognize that workers have the right to strike." The document concluded by saying that "some countries in Eastern Europe are very scared of the extension of the Polish phenomena. Czechoslovakia and East Germany have taken measures to blockade news about the Polish event, and have repeatedly published sayings condemning the emergence of anti-socialist currents in Poland. The Czechoslovak authorities, in order to prevent the extension of the Polish event, are intensifying their measures to further control of the trade unions, continue the repression on the Charter 77 Movement, and prohibit underground Catholic publications. Hungary tries to prevent the emergence of independent trade unions by giving more power to trade unions. Lately, East Germany ruthlessly repressed a strike of underground railway workers in order to prevent the appearance of the Polish event in East Germany. All these induce international observers to make a rather justified prediction that in the 1980's, "new upheavals caused by the Polish event will occur in Eastern Europe."
Although this paragraph did not mention China, its implication was obvious: 16
Chinese reading wall posters (DR). what measures should China take to prevent any upheaval caused by the Polish event?
It is not known how the debate went on in the party. But speeches made by CCP leaders and the regime's subsequent actions clearly indicated the result of the debate.
In their conversation with journalists or politicians, the CCP leaders have repeatedly revealed their close watch and fear of the Polish event. On 30 April 1981, Chen Yu, vice-chairman of the official China National Federation of Trade Unions, took pains to affirm that people in China who wanted to set up a Polish-type free trade union "do not get the support of the masses" , and stressed that his union was totally independent from the party in its work. On 20 July 1981 when Li Xiannian, vice-chairman of the CCP, interviewed the president of the European Parliament, he pointed out that if China should fall into the same debts as Poland did, it would face the same crisis as Poland's.
At first the Chinese Communist Party introduced some reforms to overcome the separation from the people. At the end of 1980, elections of people's deputies on the county level were held throughout the country, and a system of workers congresses was practiced in some enterprises. On 21 March 1981, when a delegation from the French trade union federation, CFDT, visited China, a CCP official explained to the delegation that among China's 400,000 enterprises, 38,000 had established the institution of workers congress. He also frankly admitted that the formation of workers congresses was one of the means to prevent a Polish-type labor crisis in China.
However, since the bureaucrats at different levels of the hierarchy do not wish to give up their power, the countylevel elections had run into much opposition from the cadres. The so-called workers congresses exist only in name. Besides the CCP is entrapped in increasing economic difficulties and political crises. Thus, the CCP finally decided to go on the road that Czechoslovakia and East Germany took, and carried out a ruthless repression of opposition forces.
In April 1981, the CCP authorities launched a massive arrest of democratic movement activists, and almost all the editors of the main samizdat publications were arrested. (A detailed list is given in
October Review, April 1982). At the end of May, 1982, after over a year's detention, two of them, Wang Xizhe and He Qui, were sentenced to 14 years and 10 years in jail.
In November 1981, the Beijing Municipal government promulgated a decree forbidding the people to demonstrate, rally or give speeches at the Tian An Men Square.
In March 1980, the CCP had proposed to cancel the Four Freedoms (to speak out freely, to air views fully, to hold debates and to write wall-posters) from the Constitution, and in April 1982, the CCP Central leadership proposed to the National People's Congress to delete from the Constitition the article guaranteeing the workers' right to strike.
At the same time, in May 1982, the State Council issued "Regulations concerning rewards and penalties for workers in enterprises" which threatened workers with economic penalties and administrative dismissals in order to tighten its control over the workers.
Since the Maoist leaders were removed from power, the Deng faction has been following the Liu Shaoqi line, but the country is still bogged down in deep economic and political crises. Party cadres on all levels continue with, if not intensify, their corruption, bribery, privilege-seeking activities, so that the authority that the Deng faction had when it first resumed power has declined drastically. The party is confronted with an unprecedented crisis in faith and confidence. On this land where the people are thirsting for changes, the Polish experience is like a torch lighting up a whole pile of dry wood. The Chinese people readily identify with the Polish experience. The fear of the CCP is not unjustified because the Polish experience points out an alternative for the Chinese people and, in particular, the Chinese working class - that the proletariat will lead the peasants and allies from other layers, and this united force will challenge the Communist Party's bureaucratic dictatorship; they aim at building a country with true democracy and the people themselves manag ing the economy and society. The CCP's need to repress the working class and the people refleets what repercussions have ,been caused by the Polish event on China. For the moment, the Chinese democracy movement has been repressed and the working class is under more severe attacks. Similarly, Solidarity has been repressed. However, it has not been crushed by the authorities and its strength remains largely intact. With the deterioration of the economic and political situation and the further decay of the bureaucratic rule, the resurgence of a socialist movement for true democracy waged by the Chinese and Polish people is inevitable.
The radicalization of the peasantry in Bolivia
The following interviw was given in October to S. Romande, a correspondent of Internationa! Viewpoint in Bolivia, by a group of peasant leaders belonging to the Movimiento - Indio Тирас Katari (MITKA, the Tupac Katari Indian Movement) in the department of La Paz.
In brief, the POR-Combate (Partido Obrero Revolucionario - Revolutionary Workers Bolivian section of the Fourth International) offers the following analysis of the peasant movement. To understand the position of the peasant movement in the country, it is necessary to look back to the revolution of 1952 and the land reform decree of August 2, 1953, which provided for a massive distribution of land to the peasants.
Since the 1952 revolution, the MNR (Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario - Revolutionary Nationalist Movement) of Paz Estenssoro, a bourgeois nationalist formation, has staked everything on the peasant movement. It has made concessions to this movement in order to separate it from the workers movement and to be able to use it as a counter-
In order to establish a firm grip on the peasant movement, the MNR organized it around a network of bought-off local strongmen, caciques. Along with this, it took all the necessary measures to liquidate the peasant militias, and whipped up anti-Communist campaign, Trotskyists, around the theme: Communists want to take away your
After General Barrientos seized power in November 1964, in 1965, the celebrated Army-Peasant Pact was instituted. The campaign around this was stepped up after the group led by Che Guevara began guerrilla warfare. The two main themes
"defense of the Bolivian nation" against an alleged Communist aggression and "defense of the land against the Com-
The Army-Peasant Pact was successful to a certain extent. The independent peasant organizations were liquidated Bodies directly linked to the army and the state were set up in the countryside. One of these was the COFADENA, a sort of state company controlled by the army, whose purpose was supposed to be to the economic infrastructure roads, water, clinies, and so forth.
The whole operation was based on the caciques, who collaborated with the state and the military. Often they were not even peasants, but people from the funcionaries.
The success of General Barrientos' operation undoubtedly reflected the level of political consciousness of the peasants at that time. But the personality of General Barrientos himself was an important factor. He came from a peasant backspoke both Quechua and Aymara, the two main Indian languages, (Quechua in the Cochabamba, Potosi,
Tajuira, and Chuquisaka regions; and Aymara in La Paz and also partially
The tactic of the army-peasant pact succeeded Barrientos after his death. But at the end of the dictatorship of General Hugo Banzer (who ruled from 1971 to clashes developed between the peasants and the military. Banzer was to send counterinsurgency forces against the peasants. After that, a process of political change began to develop slowly in the peasant movement.
The caciques began progressively to lose their authority. Antimilitary feeling began to spread among especially in the western part of the country. In the southern part of Santa Cruz province in the east, the situation devedifferently, since that is a thinly populated area where big cattle ranches predominate. The agricultural workers are also mostly of European origin.
In the 1970s the peasant movement was forced to change its forms of organization by the increasing economic difficulties the peasants faced as a result both of the rise of prices of fertilizer and implements and the drop in prices for agricultural products on the Bolivian market. The devaluations of the peso sparked a sharp rtse in inflation, which also affected the peasants.
It was in the 1970s that the Tupac Katari peasant union developed. It held its first national congress in March 1978. Then in 1979, the Confederacion Sindical Unica Trabjadores Campesinos de Bolivia
United Confederation Rural Workers) was formed. The founding of this organization marked a significant turn in the development of the peasant movement, since the CSUTPB was to join the Central Obrero Boliviano (COB - Bolivian Labor Confederation), thereby establishing the basis for an organized between the peasants.
The entry of the CSUTPB into the COB also led to the expulsion from it of the official peasant organizations linked to the dictatorship and to the ArmyPeasant Pact, unions which however were supported by the B