International Viewpoint Archive

The Fourth International’s English-language review, from 1982

Poland: The Closure of the Gdansk Shipyards

· International Viewpoint No. 152, 28 November 1988 · pp 8-10 · 1,099 words

Eastern Europe

The PPS considers freezing of the activities of Solidarnose's trade-union structures awaiting the results of the round-table discussions to be a grave error. We will only get what we win! •The Polish Socialist Party and all its members are unable to take part in the round-table discussions. This flows from the fact that the PPS does not recognize the constitution of the People's Republic of Poland, which is the judicial foundation of the post-Stalinist form of government. *

The closure of the Gdansk shipyards WHAT HAS happened in Gdansk? On October 29, the Polish government announced the closure of the Lenin shipyard on the grounds that it was unprofitable. For at least two years, shutting down badly managed enterprises has been talked about in connection with the schemes for reforming the economy. A list was drawn up of factories that were were to be liquidated outright. The Gdansk shipyards were on it, but nowhere near the top. JOZEF PINIOR

T SEEMED that there was nothing concrete in this talk, that a decision by the government on such measures was still a long way down the road. Solidarosc had tended rather to push the government to take a more radical line in this area, and we were endlessly inundated by naive freeenterprise capitalist arguments about the need for liquidating the big enterprises.

Then it happened. Three days before Margaret Thatcher's arrival in Poland, Rakowski did what the British prime minister did in Glasgow a few years ago. Everyone was shocked. Of course, the closure of the shipyard was primarily political — it was a provocation by the authorities against the opposition that had agreed to take part in the round-table talks.

The Solidarnosc leaders decided to discuss with those who bore the political responsibility for the destruction of the union. And, lo and behold, instead of getting the union legalized, they got a blow dealt to the symbol of Solidarnosc, to those workers

who had never abandoned them. The regime had upped the ante.

The price that the union is paying for the round-table gets higher every day. But, at the same time, the center of the opposition does not have an alternative, one that would accept the breaking off of the round-table negotiations, for example. In the National Executive Commission of Solidarnosc there is no alternative policy capable of laying the foundations for a defense of the shipyards. Polish trade-union leaders forgotten their roots

This is precisely the source of the disarray of the present leaders of Solidarnosc, who for some time have been dazzled by the resources of the capitalism of the 1980s, of which Margaret Thatcher is the most eloquent symbol. In this regard, the Polish trade-union leaders have forgotten their roots — they have been unable to see what the Thatcher period represents for British trade-unionists and in particular for the workers' movement.

Rakowski has given these Solidarnosc leaders a lesson in modernism. In one decision, he has made clear what it means to subordinate labor to capital, and how much humiliation and moral poverty the modernist model of economic development holds out for the workers' movement.

Fascination with the efficiency of this model and a total incomprehension of its costs, above all the abandonment in practice of the self-management alternative that emerged so clearly during the period when Solidarnosc was legal, has led the leaders of the union into a blind alley.

If they respond seriously to the closure of the Gdansk shipyards —and the only choice is breaking off the round-table negotiations and staging strikes in some form -they will have to reject the whole tactic that they have been following in recent months. If they fail to respond seriously, their strategy of compromise with the nomenklatura will go beyond the point acceptable to a large part of the society.

The workers who have been thrown on the street in Gdansk will not be prepared to accept such a reform. The movement will have to face problems for which it is in no way prepared.

Unfortunately, the Polish government seems to have a much more determined political leadership and a much clearer strategy than Solidarnosc.

In Wroclaw, the trams on Line No. 0 have been decorated with publicity posters for the Pewex [hard currency] stores — advertisements for quality cigarettes on a cloudy blue background, plus the addresses where all this can be bought in dollars. The techni- all this can be bought in dollars. he technicolor world, the modernity they all dream of.

I happened to take one of these trams from Grundwaldzki Square to the station. I had to catch a train, so I was in a hurry. The

POLAND -/0077A "Comrade" capitalist WHO TOOK the responsibility for liquidating the Lenin shipyard in Struggle, cradle of Solidarnos and bastion of the Polish workers' Gdansk, cradle of Solidarnosc and bastion of the Polish workers'

"I own 20 per cent of the capital of the Lavril enterprise, which is currently worth 800 million zlotys and $200,000," the new Polish minister of industry, Mieczyslaw Wilczek, stated in proposing his candidacy for the post. This capitalist "comrade" - because like any successful Polish operator, Wilczek is also a member of the PZPR — symbolizes the aspirations of a number of Polish bureaucrats. The inspiration of his ideology becomes much more a digest of the writings of the Chicago Boys than the Short History of the CPSU.

We might quote a few phrases from his speech to the parliament. "I want to protest against the strangling of the enterprises by the tax office... The weak enterprises should be allowed to die, in fact some of them should be put out of their misery.... We have to open up the way for foreign capital....l am going to demand an increase in the salaries of managerial and technical professionals. How can you expect workers to respect engineers who ear 50 per cent less than they?...There is no other initiative but private initiative...No entrepreneur can be happy about having strong unions. Me neither." * fuses blew; the driver had to change them at every stop, which of course slowed everything down. The passengers started to get impatient when the doors got jammed in the first car. They had to go out through the driver's small door. The people waiting at the stops insulted the driver, thinking that the closed doors were a sign of his illwill. Tempers rose, and the trip became a nightmare.

The Solidarnosc leaders have to ask themselves the question whether they may not be in such a tram. A cloudy-blue tram going nowhere. *

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FRANCE

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