IRELAND A warning for the anti-imperialist movement FIANNA FAIL leader Charles Haughey was elected premier (taoiseach) on March 10 at the first meeting of the new Irish parliament chosen in the February 17 elections. He gained only a technical majority. The abstention of independent left member for the Dublin inner city, Tony Gregory, made it possible for him to get a tied vote, 82 for 82 against. The tie was then broken in Haughey's favor by the president of the chamber, who can only vote in even divisions. Thus, the new Fianna Fail government is extremely weak, and is not expected to last long.
The Irish political situation is in a delicate stage. Unfortunately, the anti-imperialist forces also revealed grave weaknesses and their number of TDs [teachtai Dala, members of parliament] from two to four. It got 65,263 votes throughout the state, or 3.8% of the votes cast.
The remaining four seats in the 166seat Dail are accounted for by four independents, including two notable personalities - Neil Blaney and Tony Gregory. The former was forced out of FF at the beginning of the 1970s, when he was accused of running guns to nationalists in Northern Ireland. He has retained something of the nationalist and populist appeal of the older FF. The latter is a radical who opposed the turn of the old Official Sinn Fein to the right. He has won a base as a defender of the Dublin inner-city poor.
Sinn Fein, the Republican political organization, took 1.99% of the statewide vote, and gained no seats. This result for the Republicans compares badly with what they got in the EEC election of 1984, when they won 4.8% of the poll, and with their score in the 1985 local elections in the disorientation in the elections. JOHN MEEHAN
The February 17 general election in the South of Ireland produced a hung Dail [parliament]. The outgoing Fine Gael (FG) government suffered heavily at the polls, but the main opposition party, Fianna Fail (FF) failed to secure a clear majority. (1)
Fianna Fail, a bourgeois party that has traditionally most exploited nationalist sentiment, took 81 seats, but faces a combined opposition of 85.
This is the third election out of four since June 1981 that has produced an indecisive result. The Fine Gael-controlled government that came to power as a result of the June 1981 general election lasted only eight months. Its Fianna Fail successor, brought in by the election of February 1982, fell in November of the same year.
The current result is virtually an action replay of February 1982, but with one major difference: the strong showing of the new Progressive Democrats party (PDs). The PDs are a split from Fianna Fail with the politics of Fine Gael: very proausterity, mildly liberal on such questions as divorce, women's rights and Church control, and very antiRepublican [that is opposed to militant nationalism in general and particularly to the national liberation organizations, Sinn Fein and the IRA]. The PDs took 14 seats and 11.8% of the vote. This score was obtained mainly at the expense of FG, which dropped from 70 seats to 51 - a loss of 19 - and saw its share of the 18 18 poll plummet from 39.2% to 27.1%:
a fall of 12.1%.
Compared with November 1982,
Fianna Fail went from 75 seats to
81, a gain of six; however, its share of the vote declined by 1.1%, going from 45.2% to 44.1%.
Disillusionment with the three traditional parties
The other traditional major party - Labour - which caused the election by pulling out of a coalition government with Fine Gael over the proposed budget - dropped from 16 seats to 12. Its share of the vote slipped from 9.4% to 6.4%, a loss of three percentage points. Overall, the disillusionment of the electorate with the three traditional parties was very striking:
* Fianna Fail got its lowest share of the vote since 1961 (and its fifth lowest out of 19 elections since it first took power in 1932).
Fine Gael got its lowest share of the vote since 1957 (and again its fifth lowest out of the 19 elections since 1932).
* Labour got its lowest share of the vote since 1933 (its second lowest ever in all the elections since the 1921-1923 Civil War!)
Besides the PDs, the renegade exRepublican Workers' Party (WP) also made gains. (2) The WP increased increased
South, when they received about
54,000 votes (this time, they got
32,933 votes). For the first time in recent years, Sinn Fein fell well below the Workers Party's statewide score.
Overall, it can be said that the ruling class also did badly in this election. Most big business interests backed FG and the PDs, but would have been quite happy with a clear victory for FF. Irish capitalism finds itself in a more and more difficult situation. And the vote in this election reflects serious divisions on strategy within the ruling class, despite the evident failure of the anti- imperialist movement to mount an effective challenge to it.
The state itself is insolvent: the national debt is IR pounds 24,300 millions, 148% of GNP. Alternating
FF and FG/Labour governments have watched this debt spiral out of control since the early 1970s. The state has forced the working class and its allies to pay for the cost through high direct taxes and cutbacks on already meagre social services.
Unemployment is above 250,000 according to official figures. At 20% of the workforce, it is the highest in the EEC and a record for the state. Even this appalling statistic understates the problem because it does not take account of the numbers of people
1. Fine Gael had led a "national coalition" Labour Party, which was brought down government, including the by the LP's refusal to accept G's austerity budget. See 'International Viewpoint' No. 114, February 23, 1987.
2. The leadership of this organization, formerly "Official Sinn Fein," transformed it in the mid-1970s from a wing of the Republican movement into a pro-imperialist organization in the name of the economic interests of the working class.
International Viewpoint 23 March 1987
who have been driven to take the despairing step of emigration. Some 70,000 to 100,000 people left the state last year, according to the preliminary results of the 1986 census.
(The revival of large-scale emigragion represents a re-appearance of the curse of blocked Irish development that "modernist" Irish governments claimed to have solved, or essentially solved. The population of Ireland fell continuously owing to emigration between the great famine of 1845-1849 and 1961, when net emigration stopped and the population started to rise.)
The economic stagnation of the last few years has simply convinced the Fine Gael leader and premier Garret FitzGerald and his cronies that future cuts have to go much deeper. That perspective was reflected in the budget they proposed, and it explains why they did so badly at the polls.
However, on the political level, FG did manage to exoloit olarino
AROfeIs
John Joe McGirl, a veteran Republican, speaks for dropping Sinn Fein's abstention policy (DR)
EG did manage to exploit glaring contradictions in the line of the FF leader, Charles Haughey, on the Anglo-Irish Deal. (3) Just over a year ago, Haughey denounced the deal as "an astronomical setback." Today he only disagrees with its "constitutional aspects" and would shamelessly implement it. At the end of the campaign, Fine Gael hammered on this contradiction and won back lost ground.
The bourgeois parties have been forced to maneuver by the mass discontent with the tough austerity of the last few years. Above all, the ruling class fears a revival of the national liberation movement. The Southern state was badly shaken by the mass movement in support of the political prisoners in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh prison camp and Armagh women's prison in 1979-81. However, the positive gains of that period are now ebbing away. No challenge on that scale was mounted for this election.
This absence of mobilizations represents a very big danger, because in the absence of an effective challenge from socialist Republicans, the bourgeoisie will work out its differences, and the offensive will roll on without mercy.
There is a basis for organizing an alternative. One sign of simmering discontent was a high turnout in the elections in working-class areas, most of it benefiting FF. This clearly indicates that Fianna Fail stand to lose ground by implementing the outgoing government's budget. Under normal circumstances, FF could carry out a hypocritical operation of that type without too much difficulty. But when they cannot control Dail votes, it is a different kettle of fish.
However, the extent to which FF will be gored on the horns of this dilemma depends to a considerable extent on the lessons that Sinn Fein draw from their poor performance. The other self-proclaimed left alternatives, such as Labour and the Workers Party, are only snares for working people. SF's newspaper, An Phoblacht/ Republican News (AP/RN) has acknowledged that the election results were poor. Several constituency reports noted the drop compared with the 1985 local elections. For example, the report on Dublin South-West says, "the vote did not live up to expectations," and "hard work on the ground did not materialize in votes on polling day." New approach for Sinn Fein in the South In fact, in Dublin, SF chose to make work on local issues the dominant feature of its campaign. This was part of SF's efforts in recent years to be seen as a working-class party. This orientation has also led Sinn Fein to stand candidates identified with groups of striking workers, such as those at Packard Electric and Leinster Paper Mills in Tallaght [an area of new housing estates to the southeast of Dublin, inhabited predominantly by the poor and unemployed]. These efforts are a relatively new feature in SF's profile. In a general sense, this attempt to be seen as a working-class party is an important step forward for SF. It goes hand in hand with the decision to end the movement's abstention from the Dail, in the hope of making the party more relevant to Southern workers. It reflects an understanding in the party that securing a base in the South is a decisive task in winning the struggle for national liberation.
These factors led the Irish section of the Fourth International, People's Democracy, to work for Sinn Fein in this election and to encourage supporters and sympathizers to do likewise.
However, the campaign exposed weaknesses in SF's electoral strategy. The Republicans have a perspective of building up a base through steady work on local community issues, and eventually becoming a credible national alternative as a result of the accumulated gains of this work.
The outcome of this election should help dispel these illusions. It is clear, in fact, that many former SF votes went this time to Fianna Fail, owing to the absence of any major national mass movements like the H-Block/Armagh campaign.
SF leaders have argued that their movement can steer clear of this slippery slope by pursuing its armed campaign in the North. But this argument does not hold water. In fact, in the late 1970s, the IRA's armed campaign was at a dead-end; only the emergence of the H-Block/ Armagh campaign revived the fortunes of the Republican movement.
Inevitably SF has suffered heavily from the lack of organized mass resistance to the Anglo-Irish Agreement, the austerity offensive and the attack on women's rights. As the main anti-imperialist organization, SF has to take some responsibility results, see 'IV" Nos. 109 and 110, Novem- 3. For an analysis of this deal and its ber 24 and December 8, 1986.
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International Viewpoint 23 March 1987
Gerry Adams (left) with Tom Hartley - two leaders of Sinn Fein (DR)
for this state of affairs.
The Republicans are of course not to blame for the very difficult objective situation that exists, with the pressure of unemployment and so on. The responsibility for that lies squarely on the shoulders of the bourgeois forces. But it does have an obligation to pursue a strategy geared towards the revival of an independent mass opposition.
The weaknesses of SF's general political perspectives were shown in its electoral propaganda, which in many cases could not be distinguished from that of the WP, since it did not go beyond very abstract and general left-wing catchwords. Indeed, SF's main slogan - "For real change" -was also that of the right-wing Progressive Democrats! SF did not even highlight the Anglo-Irish Agreement.
Moreover, its leaflet on women's rights concentrated exclusively on economic questions, making no references to contraception, divorce, or the closedown of the women's clinics. (4)
SF was unable to point up clearly the connection between austerity and the crisis of the capitalist system and thereby to challenge the assumption that workers and the oppressed should pay for the crisis.
Of course, SF has had to fight against big handicaps, above all Section 31 of the Broadcasting Act, which prohibits the state broadcasting service, RTE, from giving it any coverage. At first RTE journalists inserted a "health warning" on every report affected by this censorship. But after the first two days of the campaign, this practice ceased, and SF were ignored.
This open censorship was just one example of the barriers the state 20 put in the way of Sinn Fein. A huge arsenal of repressive legislation is used selectively against the Republicans. In the past, SF played into the hands of the rulers by moralistic boycott tactics that meant refusing to challenge such legal obstacles (in particular by making it a principle not to take seats in the 26-County Dail, the parliament of the formally
Moscow smiles on proimperialism
IN THE "Commentator's Column" in the February 22 issue of Pravda, the Soviet Communist Party organ, Arkadii Maslennikov took a favorable view of the Fianna Fail gains in the election: "In these elections, Haughey's party presented
La positive program for developing the state sector of the economy, reducing taxes and the budget deficit and increasing employment."
Maslennikov went on to give honorable mention to the Communist Party of Ireland (which has no electoral significance), and the Workers Party (which does). "Reflecting the interests of the workers and the left and democratic forces, the Communist Party of Ireland and the Workers Party put forward a sharp criticism of the policy of the main bourgeois parties." The Workers Party is a former Republican faction that first embraced Stalinism and then imperialism.
Maslennikov did not mention Sinn Fein at all.
independent part of the country). In this respect, the dropping of this principle at SF's November 1986 ard fheis [congress] was a big step forward.
The decision to participate in the Dail laid the basis for developing a political strategy on a much higher level. Inevitably, at the same time, such a move creates its own problems. Nobody should expect them to be resolved over night.
The immediate response of many SF members to the experience of these elections has been to want to try to analyze reasons for this disappointing result and to discuss the stategic problems. This is a healthy and positive response. But at the same time it is necessary not only to look inward but to take full account of the dangerous objective situation. Time is ebbing away. Unless the incoming Fianna Fail government is effectively pressurized by socialist Republicans, the ruling class will get a chance to put its house in order and then hit all of its opponents very hard.
Already the parliamentary wheeling and dealing has begun. Fine Gael leader FitzGerald has offered not to oppose an FF budget, if it is broadly similar to the one that even the craven Labour Party could not stomach. Such a maneuver by FG would temporarily take pressure off the parliamentary left, who want to vote against the budget but avoid bringing down the government.
4. See "Holy War against Women's Rights," in 'IV,' No. 115, March 9, 1987, and "Dublin government's collapse forces general election," in 'IV, No. 114, February 25, 1987. International Viewpoint 23 March 1987
As regards the national liberation struggle in the North, the parliamentary left has a pathetic record. It has, in fact, served rather as an ideological fifth wheel of Fine Gael, joining in with Thatcher and FitzGerald in violent condemnations of Irish nationalism in its revolutionary form. Disastrous pro-imperialist stance
Inevitably, even the practical results for the parliamentary left of this pro-imperialist stance have been disastrous. The eruption of the Northern crisis in 1968 produced a spectacular crisis in Fianna Fail. The FF government then headed by Jack Lynch was confronted with charges that a number of party leaders were involved in providing guns for nationalists in the North. Charlie Haughey and others were fired from the government, and then unsuccessfully tried on the gun-running charge.
The Labour Party used this crisis as an excuse for forming a coalition with Fine Gael. This operation was facilitated by the fact that the bulk of the anti-coalition left shared the right-wing leadership's hostility to revolutionary nationalism. FG thus appeared to be the "lesser evil" compared with Fianna Fail.
However, in coalition with FG, Labour's strength was ground away. It seems impossible for the time being that it could renew its coalition with Fine Gael.
Labour's shift away from coalition left the Workers Party in a dodgy nosition Initially the latter wanted to position. Initially, the latter wanted to do a deal, hoping to maneuver against FF from the right over the Anglo-Irish Deal. They boasted about their "reliability" compared with the 'independent FF" deputy from County Donegal, Neil Blaney, who opposes the Anglo-Irish Agreement from a nationalist point of view.
As party spokesperson, Tony Heffernan made the offer in these terms: "It could be easier for Fianna Fail to deal with a political party like the Workers Party rather than three or four independents. Especially like Neil Blaney, whose price would appear to be the ending of the Anglo-Irish Agreement." (5)
On the other hand, the WP support the frenzied Unionist campaign against the Agreement, favour suspending it indefinitely, and want a return of devolved government for Northern Ireland under Loyalist control.
Although there is an apparent contradiction in the WP's attitude to the Anglo-Irish Agreement here, there is a consistent logic of seeking
International Viewpoint 23 March 1987 alliances against militant nationalism.
However, the WP have to follow
Labour's lead, and vote against both Haughey and FitzGerald - any other course would destroy the WP's "left of Labour" and "anti-coalition" image. Coalition government is no longer an option for the parliamentary left. But coalition politics remain alive and well.
Such antics expose the hypocrisy of the parliamentary left's talk of "socialist opposition" and its proposals that all the right-wing parties - FF, FG and the PDs - should get together and draw a clear dividing line between left and right. However, this call does have the merit of pointing up the need for drawing a clear line between the bourgeois and working class parties, and this would be a principled policy, if it were linked to the fight for national liberation.
Socialist Republicans need to integrate this line into their politics. They have to take a clear stand against all capitalist coalition politics and all forms of lesser evilism. That means voting against FF and FG nominees for taoiseach [premier], against capitalist budgets, and so on. Unfortunately, there is still confusion within SF about such questions. For example, they are leaning now towards a position of not blocking an FF government within a hung Dail.
An effective fightback will have to be based on mass action. The first opportunities are likely to be offered by FF's budget and their hypocrisy on the Anglo-Irish Agreement.It the would be useful to propose united action against any budget similar to the one presented by the outgoing FG government, calling for a clear vote against without parliamentary deals.
In the somewhat longer term, People's Democracy is calling for a remobilization of the national liberation movement around an Irish "Freedom Charter." In this, SF could be expected to be the leading force, but not the only one, in a new mass movement, rather like the situation in the H-Block/Armagh campaign.
Such a strategy seems to us to offer the best guarantee against further isolation of the struggle in the North, which is a big danger now after the setback suffered by the anti-imperialist forces in the February 17 Southern elections.
The impact of these poor results casts a shadow over SF's electoral gains in the North, with a British general election coming up this year.
Without forward movement on the political front, the danger of ultraleft militarist adventurism of course tends to increase. The Southern general elections could foreshadow a serious weakening of the workers' movement, if the necessary lessons are not drawn from them. They are a serious warning. A new strategy is overdue.
5. Irish Times,' February 20, 1987.
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