SPAIN
Students rock Gonzalez regime THE EDUCATIONAL reforms being put forward in Europe have run into the same opposition everywhere from youth. In France, Italy, Greece, Belgium, and Spain, everywhere government schemes have been fundamentally identical -- to make university entrance more restrictive, to adapt the universities to the needs of private industry, to institute competition among schools, and to top all this off with
NATO in the March referendum, the victory of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) in the general elections in June and Spain's entry into the Common Market all reinforced Gonzalez's personal position. The youth movement is shaking this nice balance.
The following round table with five revolutionary high-school students from various regional and nationality coordinating committees in the Spanish state is from the January 31 issue of Combate, the paper of the Liga Comunista Revolucionaria (LCR), the Spanish state section of the Fourth International. The participants were Sergi Raventos, from the Barcelona Coordinating Committee (Catalonia); Natalia Castro, from the Asturias Coordinating Committee; Mercedes Julian from the Zaragoza (Aragon)
higher and higher registration fees
The schemes of the Spanish minister of education, Jose Maria Marraval, have essentially similar objectives. In a sense, Spain has been in the forefront of the setting up of an educational system for an elite. Felipe Gonzalez's Socialist Party government has not seen anything better to do than increase the restrictiveness of education, continuing the work begun more than ten years ago.
The high-school and vocational school students' demands have two axes - opposition to social selection in admissions and the fight for democratization of education.
They are demanding repeal of the decree-law on the September exams, lower registration tees (which are in lower registration fees (which are in the order of 417 US dollars); rescinding of a circular on tighter discipline in the high schools and vocational schools; resignation of the so-called high-school student representatives in the State Scholastic Council (CSE) set up by the Basic Law on the Right to Education (LODE) adopted to Education (LODE) adonted in 1985; and repeal of that law itself.
The student movement has reached out to the whole territory of the Spanish state. In many cities, the highschool and vocational school students have made up nearly all the participants in marches and demonstrations.
Violent clashes with the police, who have used rubber bullets in many demonstrations and on January 23 wounded a 14-year-old female student with live ammunition, have led to a radicalization and strengthening of the movement. The resignation of Barrionuevo, the civil governor of Madrid, is being demanded. The government has been forced, if not to retreat, at least to open negotiations on the demands. It has to reckon with the popularity of the movement.
According to a study published in the Madrid daily El Pais, 67% of
International Viewpoint 23 February
• people questioned considered that the high-school students were right in their complaints against the Ministry of Education, 81% considered that the government should negotiate and meet the demands that they judged reasonable, and, finally, 42% thought that the movement could expand and create a grave situation for the government.
The situation is very embarassing for the premier, Felipe Gonzales, who could pride himself on having an excellent year in 1986. Despite a poor economic outlook and unemployment topping 20%, the adoption of the proposal for staying in
SPEL
Jullan irom the saragoza (Aragon)
Coordinating Committee; Inaki Garcia from the Euskadi Coordinating Committee; and Javier from the Madrid
Coordinating Committee.
*** Question. What demands played a decisive role at the start of the high school students' mobilization?
Sergi (Catalonia). The demands on which the youth in the academic and technical high schools agreed on were defence of the September exams and night classes, and on such basic questions as opposition to selectiveness and quotas. There was also a feeling of opposition to an educational policy that every day shows more favoritism to private schools at the Internationa VIEWPOINT CIAL ISSUE ON
WOMEN
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17 1987
The selection cycle
THE SYSTEM for weeding out candidates for higher education was set up under the dictatorship in 1974 by the Esteruelas
Law, minister of education at the time. It established an entrance exam for holders of academic high-school diplomas.
At present, after three years of study in the second cycle for comprehensive high-school diploleaving certificate leading to un- , which in reality is only a employment, the "best" students are shunted to University Orientation Centers (COU). Up until now, the COU have led on to the universities, after passing an exam in June or September. The problem then was to find a place in the university of your choice.
Quotas were first established in the medical schools in 1976-
77 under Adolfo Suarez's Democratic Center Union (UCD) government. They have gradually spread to all the universities. Under the pretext of granting autonomy, the
University Reform Law (LRU), drawn up in 1983, instituted real competition among the universities.
For example, at the end of the
1985-86 school year, the Autonomous University of Barcelona
(VAB) distributed more than 20,000 expense of public education. This last question is very important, because every day high-school students experience the shortages of materials, the run-down state of the buildings and the lack of hygiene, even of the most basic facilities.
Q. Has the national question been a factor in these mobilizations of the youth?
Sergi. Yes, especially since the Valencia court ruling in December that banned the use of Catalan in the University of Valencia. The language question is very much a factor. Very often in the high schools, we can see the discrimination engaged in by some teachers who refuse to let people take exams in Catalan or to put questions to the students in Catalan. In Barcelona, this is a problem in a lot of schools.
Inaki (Euskadi). In Euskadi one of the objectives of the student movement is to get a Basque public school and university system. A Basque public school system would be a popular, democratically run, one that would seek to defend the Basque language, to study our nation, its history, its economy, its social forms and so on.
Q. How is the movement organized in the academic high schools 18 bulletins to COU students extolling the prestige of the UAB in the eyes of the companies to the detriment of the University of Barcelona, whose diplomas were supposedly less "valued" on the job market.
The issuing of a decree-law invalidating the September exam for COU students provoked the anger of the high-school students. Education Minister Marraval rushed to say that the September exam was being maintained until further orders, at least formally. What is happening in practice? 'This decree-law gives priority to students passing the June exam at the expense of those passing the September one when it comes time for them to choose their school. As a result of this preferential treatment, the Madrid universities that get a very large number of requests for admissions had exhausted their quotas even before the September exams were given." (El Pais, December 6, 1986)
After that, you have a choice. You can go to other schools, whose diplomas often have little value. Or you can go directly into unemployment, joining the 50 per cent of youth who are unemployed. and the vocational schools?
Natalia (Asturias). The general assemblies are the decision-making bodies. In these assemblies, strike collectives form spontaneously. A collective forms, and volunteers come forward. As the mobilizations grow, the strike collectives also grow. Then, these collectives take proposals from the students and transmit them to the local coordinating committee. Once they are adopted by this body, they are referred on to the regional coordinating committee. There the proposals are discussed again and voted on. They then go back to the general assemblies in the schools, which decide finally whether or not to adopt them.
Q. Is the organization in Euskadi similar to this?
Inaki. In public schools, there is an assembly of delegates. Each of the delegates represents a class, and is responsible for it. It is the delegates who have the task of organizing the general assemblies and supervising the votes.
The process of developing coordination among the various schools started in December, at the time of the youth mobilizations in France and at the beginning of mobilizations in the Spanish state. Thus, after the general assemblies in the individual schools, two representatives were elected for each school, who then formed the Secondary School's Coordinating Committee of Viskaia, which later was incorporated into the Euskadi National Coordinating Committee.
The delegates to these bodies have the task of putting forward the positions of their schools and informing them of the evolution of the situation in the other schools so that they can act in a united way in the struggle.
Q. On January 17-18, a coordinating committee met at the Spanishstate level. Is this coordinating committee as representative as the various regional coordinating committees? Are there at present any problems about the representativeness of this coordinating committee, and if so, how can they be resolved?
Javier (Madrid). Yes, there are problems. It should not be forgotten that coordination at the level of the entire state is different from regional coordination. It is more difficult, and we were only holding our first meeting. Only the development of the mobilization can increase the representativeness of the coordinating committee.
As the mobilizations proposed by the Spanish State Coordinating Committee and discussed in the general assemblies build up, more people will be coming into the committee. This body is not an executive. It is a body that takes democratic decisions that have an indicative value, and are subsequently rediscussed in the general assemblies.
Q. In Euskadi, how do they envisage the possibility of coordination with the rest of the state?
Inaki. That is a subject of controversy. The students think that we should first build a real student movement in Euskadi and a real coordinating committee, or union. As regards coordination, we want to see first who fights and in what forms and whether they are going to respect fully the specific forms of our nationality. Of course, we are in solidarity with the students throughout the Spanish state, and we do not exclude the possibility of sending representatives to Madrid.
Q. Do you think that the Students' Union is representative?
Mercedes (Zaragoza). I think that the coordinating committee is more representative than the union, because the latter only represents, defends and fights for the demands of its members. On the other hand, the coordinating committee that is organizing represents all the students,
International Viewpoint 23 February 1987
Platform adopted by the Coordinating Committee of Representatives from the entire Spanish state on January 17-18 IN THE FRAMEWORK of a struggle for a free, unified, secular and public educational system that will respect national differences, avoid sexism and
Fi Student Cootine c promote peace, a democratic and high-quality educational system :
The University and High-School Student Coordinating Committee calls on the responsible authorities - governments, parliaments and school administrations — to withdraw the laws, decrees and measures (LODE, LRU etc.) that violate the right to education or run counter to the exercise oi democracy in scholastic establishments by depriving high-school and university students of the voice that they must have in the making of decisions that concern them first of all. To this end, we demand:
1) Higher appropriations for education in order to assure the right of all to study. The number of places in the academic and vocational high schools must meet the existing social demand. We want a guarantee of quality education, more scholarships, a sufficient number of schools and teachers, and cheaper school supplies.
The increase in appropriations for educations should come from lowering the military budget.
We also demand that night-school courses be continued.
2) A freeze on registration costs in the universities. We accept no increases but rather demand that these charges be progressively reduced until they are eliminated altogether. This must be linked also to an improvement in the policy of granting scholarships.
3) We want equal representation of students in all government and administrative bodies concerned with education, with real decision-making powers.
In addition, we call for:
A freeze on the reform of the secondary schools and the plan for reform of higher education.
- Resignation of the student representatives to the State Scholastic Council because of their lack of representivity. The election on a pluralistic basis of high-school student representatives to this body, with elections by school and not on the basis of associations' slates.
- Setting up of mechanisms for monitoring the quality of teaching and of the teaching staffs.
Free exercise of democratic rights in the schools and elimination of the prevailing authoritarianism. Establishment of a department of educational psychology and teaching methods in all secondary schools.
4) The elimination of centralist ideology in teaching. The rights of the oppressed cultures and nations must be respected. The various national languages of the state must become the sole official languages at all levels of education and in the various territories of the state [where these languages are the languages of the nationalities concerned].
5) Elimination of restrictions on access to education. Repeal of those laws that block access to university education, elimination of quotas, the right to enroll in the university of your choice, no weeding out between university cycles, freedom of choice of universities.
We denounce and reject the practical training periods provided for in the agreements made between companies and vocational education centers. Work done in these tai between s must ee pady the rigat of tec cents to higher education. No reductions in schedules of practical work.
significant support to the students' struggle, or was Camacho's presence just a gesture "for the gallery"?
Javier. At present, the policy of the leadership of the Workers' Commissions is to issue declarations about the representativeness of the movement and simply to join the biggest mobilization when there is one, or to come out in front in demonstrations so as to make the headlines.
We think that it is positive that figures from the political world join in the student struggle in order to show that other sections of society support us. But we want this support to be a real contribution to the mobilization, not a mere propaganda exercise. We want it to be reflected in the workplaces because our mobilization goes in the same direction as the workers' interests.
Q. Are you thinking of taking initiatives to extend the struggle of the youth to broader layers of society?
Javier. I think that, fundamentally, the struggle of the young people is also an economic fight. We are demanding an increase in appropriations for education, free education for the working people, and finally a series of social reforms that also concern workers who have to face industrial reconversions.
A large part of the youth today is sick of this situation and ready to fight. It no longer accepts the institutional framework foisted on it or the so-called representativeness of the official parties. A new section of the youth is radicalizing in this struggle.
Natalia. This is not a struggle by just one section of society. It is something much broader, which involves the society as a whole. One of the points of the platform calls for a reduction of the military budget so that the money saved can be devoted to education. Closer links are going to develop between the peace movement develon between the neace movement and the youth movement.
Q. Javier said that the movement was going over the heads of the official parties. The press chooses to say that the movement is apolitical, that it is not interested in politics. Is that true?
Javier. No. Any social struggle is a political one. The fact of not belonging to any political organization does not imply that you are apolitical. Inasmuch as we are involved in a struggle against the government's educational policy, that is clearly a political struggle. Of course, the youth reject political manipulation, they refuse to let certain political organizations manipulate the coordinating committees. But we are fighting the government's education policy, as is shown by the platform that we have adopted.
19 whether or not they belong to any organization. In practice this greater representativeness is notable.
Q. Even before the meeting of the Spanish State Coordinating Committee on January 17-18, the Students' Union set January 20 and 23 as the dates for mobilizations. Was this decision a factor of division for the movement?
Javier. No. Not for us. We are for mobilizing, and it doesn't matter much where the initiative comes from. If other organizations, other associations are also for mobilizing, we should join together. What is important is unity in mobilizing.
Q. What was the experience of the struggle by the academic and technical high-school students before the first demonstration of December 4?
Natalia. I think that the demonstrations against NATO had an enormous influence. We realized this because a lot of the high-school students who are forming the strike committees today are people we already know. We worked with them in the mobilizations against NATO. Of course, the present mobilization is a lot broader, it involves younger people, but the important role played by the anti-NATO demonstrations should be pointed out.
Q. At the December 17 demonstration, Marcelino Camacho [one of the main leaders of the Workers Commissions) could be seen in attendance. Are the Workers' Commissions giving
International Viewpoint 23 February 1987
Q. What is the JCR's principal task in this movement?
Javier. Our first task is to extend the mobilization and to make sure that the demands required by the growth of the movement itself are integrated.
Q. How were the mobilizations in France seen?
Natalia. I think that was important because the students had not mobilized for a long time. Seeing the example of the French students, the success that they had, people began to think that it was possible. For years we thought that a student mobilization of this scope was impossible. Everything seemed blocked, and a lot of people thought that a victory was impossible, no matter how extensive the mobilization was.
But after what happened in France, people started to reflect, to think that we could do something like that here. The victory of the French stuaents naa a big innuence on our dents had a big influence on our spirit.
Javier. It is not surprising that we are seeing a mobilization running across national boundary lines, because the attacks we are facing are the same as everywhere else. You might say that there is a plan for a "reconversion" of education for the EEC in general, in order to make it more competitive, to improve its "performance" for private business.
This is why we are seeing struggles nearly everywhere in Europe - in France, in Greece, in the Netherlands, in Italy - in all those countries where they are trying to wipe out the most modest gains in education. For example, they want to introduce a weeding-out process between the various cycles in the universities and create short courses of study for the sake of private industry. They want research to be done to suit the interests of private industry and not social needs.
Q. Do you think we are seeing the birth of a new generation that could change the traditional pattern of politics?
Natalia. Everything suggests that. With the mobilizations against NATO, which included a lot of young people who had never engaged in politics, with the struggle that we are going through now, which has drawn in a considerable part of the youth, I think that we can be optimistic about the combativity of the student movement and the youth in general. A lot of people are going to consider fighting in other areas and are beginning to move more than they have done up till now. 20