In this interview, Francisco "Dodong" Nemenzo and Randolfo "Randy" David, respectively chair and vice-chair of Bisig, explain writings of Luis Tarue. It is just an appeal to populist sentiments. So that socialist party was easily absorbed in the Stalinist tradition that was introduced also around the same time.
In 1966, there was a second attempt to set up a socialist party. But this time the program was a nationalist program. It was no different from the program of the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism (MAN). So we felt that socialism has never been explained to our people.
Socialism has been caricatured and yet people who see themselves as being socialist or even communist never tried to defend socialism per se. So this time we are reversing the process. We are going to conduct a socialist education campaign, to explain what socialism is, to defend it against the distortions, to propagate scientific socialism. The idea its origins and character as well tionary movement.
Question. Last May Bisig was set up. So, what is this new organization?
Randolf "Randy" David. Bisig is an acronym for Bukluran sa Ikauunlad ng Sosyalistang Isip at Gawa. But Bisig as a word also means arm, the arm of a person. In Tagalog, it is the symbolic word for labor. Bukluran means alliance or union. So: union for the development of socialist theory and practice. That is Bisig.
Q. "Union"? It is neither a party, nor a coalition...
Randy. Bukluran in our language can be translated as unity, or a venue for a unity. It is definitely not yet a party. But it's more than just a movement because it is not a loose organization. Bisig is an aggregation of socialists coming from different ideological positions. There are Marxist socialists, but there are also socialists who discovered socialism on account of their faith, their Christian faith. Others discovered it as a result of small-scale organizing work in communities and realized that they could not do community organizing without ultimately going towards structures that were basically socialist.
What unites these socialists together, I think, is a shared revulsion against bureaucratism and authoritarian socialism, or state-centered socialism. Because if you examine the backgrounds of the people who are participating in Bisig, you will find that some of them emerged from the old Communist Party of the Philippines (PKP), some of them from the new Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), and some of them from the tradition of populist organizing at the community level who probably started their activism inspired by the ideas of Saul Alinsky. Furthermore, some of 1 as its role in the Philippine revoluthem come from the tradition of Christian social democracy. But all share a firm conviction that the kind of socialism that is appropriate to the Philippines should be one that departs radically from state-centered socialism. In short, a socialism that is clearly popular in character, which assigns a crucial role to popular organizations rather than to one central omnipotent party.
It is also one reason why a number of those who have joined Bisig have been quite reluctant to go directly into party building, mainly because they feel that there should be alternatives to the way of the party. These are continuing questions in our organization.
Q. Would you say that Bisig is the product of the February Revolution?
Francisco "Dodong" Nemenzo. Definitely not. It's true that Bisig was set up in the last week of May 1986, after the February revolution. But our program was basically finalized in December 1985. We had our precongress in January. Before the overthrow of Marcos we already planned to launch Bisig. So it is not one of these things that emerged only as a result of the February affair. It would have been formally established even if Marcos was still with us. In fact, our program, known as the "blue paper" , which presents our socialist vision still presupposes that Marcos was around. So we'll have to update it. But we did not want to touch the program anymore, then.
There have been two previous attempts to set up a socialist party in the Philippines. In both cases, the socialist party was set up just capitalizing on the millenarian tradition in Central Luzon. You see it in the here is to prepare for the setting up of a real socialist party of the Philippines. Even the Communist Party of the Philippines never defended communism or socialism openly in the Philippine situation. It's always under the guise of nationalism. And there was really no attempt to adapt it to the situation in the Philippines.
We in Bisig come from at least four ideological traditions: the old Lavaite communism, the Maoist version, the Christian social-democratic tradition and those who were never part of any of these currents. In Bisig we are not only trying to link the drop-outs from these four traditions together. We are tying to work out a synthesis.
Q. Are you building a pluralistic organization?
Dodong. I don't like the word pluralistic in this context because it presupposes that different tendencies are just allowed to operate more or less autonomously within a common structure. In Bisig we are trying to forge a coherent ideology but learning from the experience of these four traditions.
Randy. We are trying to keep the usable qualities of each of these, based on our own practical experiences. So it is not as if in our discussions you find a Maoist arguing still as a Maoist, or a social democrat as a social democrat, and so on. That's why it took us such a long time to decide that we were ready to launch Bisig as a formal organization. A year of weekly discussions!
Those discussions, I must tell you, were very educational for all of us. Because sometimes, those of us who were coming from a more Marxist tradition would assume that every one started from Marxist premises. Just to point out one example, one of us from the university would often argue the necessity for socialism from an almost purely scientific point of view. He
International Viewpoint 8 December 1986
argued that under socialism alone it is possible to assure the continuous progress and development of productive forces. Now, many of our friends from the Christian social-democratic tradition found this to be a rather narrow view of socialism. They felt that equal attention must be paid to the ethical superiority of socialism. This is not entirely alien to the Marxist tradition, of course, especially if you look at the writings of the young Marx: he spoke of alienation, and so on. So there were intense discussions on this.
I am certain that at one point or another European Marxists watching this beautiful experiment will remark that this is nothing but eclecticism.
Well, be that as it may, I think it is an attempt - and we say so very clearly - this is an attempt to weave a Filipino socialism that we feel is appropriate to our cireumstances. There is a very conscious attempt to get away from any dogmatic tendency.
There is so much openness that sometimes I feel that those of us who come from the university begin to sound like Christians and indeed our friends who are coming from the faith dimension begin to sound like Marxists.
Dodong. When we keep on talking about Filipino socialism, I do not like to give the impression that we have a very partial point of view. As a matter of fact, I think it would not be an exaggeration to say that in the Philippines today we are the most internationalist in perspective. the CPP for instance, since China dropped Mao Zedong, has been very reluctant in making any stand on any international issue. The social democrats also.
The PKP is internationalist only in the sense that they keep on echoing the Moscow line. When we talk about Filipino socialism, we are saying that involvements in any of them, realized that there were certain basic differences and got out of these groups.
Most of these people, in different ways, were working for years with these groups, hoping to be able to put in their own perspectives and their own influence as independent left-wing activists.
After the Aquino assassination in 1983, there were various attempts to set up groups with an independent character. I suppose the impetus for the formation of Bisig really came in 1985 after two main attempts at setting up a united front had failed. First the Justice for Aquino, Justice for All movement (JAJA), and then later on the Coalition of Organisations for the Realisation of Democracy (CORD). When the plan to set up Bayan was hatched by CORD, it was conceived on the basis of the usual divisions: National Democrats (NDs), Social Democrats (SDs) and Liberal Democrats (LDs). The non-aligned groups decided that this was a subdivision that did not encompass the variety of groups that existed. So those who were neither NDs, SDs or LDs decided to start grouping together primarily to form a bloc for Bayan.
This became known as the Independent Democrats (IDs), in the categories of Bayan, and later on was called the Independent Caucus (IC). The Independent Caucus actively participated in Bayan. But it ultimately got out of Bayan, not together with the Social Democrats and the Liberal Democrats who walked out of the convention itself in May, but much later after attempts to set up even a limited united front with the National Democrats appeared too difficult. Then the members of IC decided to go ahead. So there were weekly meetings to try to define who they were, what held us together, what particular political perspective differentiated us from the other groups, for more than a year. This created our working relations in the process of practice instead of setting up immediately a formal structure.
Eventually, a pre-congress was held. Bisig was not the name yet, it was still Independent Caucus. From that pre-congress, the decision was to work toward the formation of a union: we were all socialists, we felt that socialism had to be put on the agenda at this point in time. The other groups were speaking of social democracy, national democracy or liberal democracy, all of which, we felt, were transitional points. For certain other groups of course, like the CPP, being a Communist Party should have led toward socialism. But unfortunately the socialist agenda was not being raised by them in the open. And we felt that it was about time that we had a clearer perspective, especially for the workers to identify with towards a longer term struggle that would have a socialist content. Groups which were not originally part of the Independent Caucus developed, also carrying a socialist line. We got to know each other and these groups took part in May in the formal launching of Bisig. Q. So Bisig was founded by a set of small organizations? Randy Originally the Independent Caucus was formed by organizations and a few individuals. But, concerning Bisig, we decided to be less grandiose in our plans. We refuse to assume that, just because the leadership of particular organizations was already within IC, the whole membership should join the launching of Bisig. Since we were not talking about a we reject such a policy, but we are not indifferent to events taking place in the world! We are very much interested in the global economy, in processes in the socialist countries, in the struggle of third world peoples. And we try to inform ourselves of the struggles of the working class in the capitalist countries. Our constant use of the word Filipino socialism should be interpreted in that light.
Q. The formation of Bisig is the product of a long process...
Randy. If we go years back, there have been existing groups: the PKP, the CPP, the National Democratic Front (NDF), the SocialDemocrats, and so on. But there have always been people who have found that they could not agree with certain perspectives as well as methods of work in these parties. And also people who, because of their own
Land reform is a central demand for Negros sugar workers (DR)
International Viewpoint 8 December 1986
specific socialist vision, we decided to set up an initial transitional organization open only to individual membership. It left more time to get down to the last member of each of the concerned organizations and talk of the socialist vision. We did not want joining Bisig to be a simple organizational decision to be taken by leaderships, but a decision that should involve the entire membership of each of these organizations.
Right now about 50 per cent of these organizations have already gone through that full process of dealing with the basic documents, and are now willing to join collectively. So we are looking towards that point in time, hopefully by the end of the first year of Bisig, when we can start to convert Bisig into a unity, but a unity on a higher level than the initial 200 or so individuals who formed Bisig formally last May.
Dodong. One of the advantages of deciding first to go small scale, in terms of individual membership, was to ensure that we considered ourselves as one organization rather than as different tendencies put together into a coalition. And although most of these people were in the leadership of various organizations, by starting in such a way, it would allow us to really break down the labels and the walls that people usually attach to all of us.
When Bisig integrates various organizations, while each organization would still retain its autonomy, we would not be a coalition of different tendencies but a coalition of various sectoral organizations that basically adhere to the same vision. So that it becomes really a union rather than a simple alliance or a movement. It's a fusion of various tendencies rather than a coalition.
Q. What are the principal sectors of Bisig's implantation?
Dodong. We give utmost priority to work in the labor movement as well as community organizing. Community work is also a form of organizing labor. In the Philippine context, sometimes you cannot organize labor in trade unions in the places of work, but in the places of residence. So that urban community work is an aspect of organizing the Filipino working class.
Some people think that Bisig is essentially an organization of UP (University of the Philippines)-based intellectuals. But in the organization, the biggest single bloc are the urban poor and the community organizers, followed by trade unionists, then students, and then only the academics - the fifth bloc in number. We are not ashamed of the fact that we have, I think, more influence in the academic community than the other tendencies, especially here in UP. But the reality is that in our own organization we are just a small minority.
We are still too weak in the countryside. One of the groups that form Bisig is from Central Luzon. But the ones who already joined us are not really from the rural areas. They are from the urban areas of Central Luzon. So we don't have at the moment many peasant cadres. We really see this as a weakness....
Randy. Among the organizers, the bulk of them work in the rural areas. In terms of long-term work there are members of Bisig who are already working with peasants and fishermen's organizations. We are. however, very strict about not claiming the groups that we either work with or even groups that we lead, as automatically members of Bisig. Not until they subscribe to the Bisig principles will they be considered as members. Because of the individual character at this point of Bisig membership, the peasants and the fishermen are not as numerous as we want them. That holds as well for trade unions and urban poor groups.
Dodong. There is one other explanation why there were few peasants in the Bisig congress. Actually, there were peasants in Central Luzon who attended the pre-congress seminars. It is simply that they did not have the money to come to Manila. But we are trying to form them as Bisig chapters in their areas. There is a commitment to join. Give us a year or so, we will have a broader peasant membership.
Geographically, we are also related with groups in Southern Luzon, in Quezon, in Mindanao and the Visayas.
Q. What are the principal tasks for the coming period that Bisig assigned itself at the time of its founding congress?
Randy. Many things have been said about the government that arose from the February revolution. But I think that there is a common understanding that the most important feature of this government is that it has opened up a democratic conjuncture. It is a perfect atmosphere for organizing, political organizing.
Communist guerrillas have recently agreed to a cease-fire (DR)
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International Viewpoint 8 December 1986
TUDE
We don't know how long this where different tendencies work togparticular conjuneture will last. martionler poniunotura will loct Wa We ether, without one tendency conhope it will provide us enough time. trolling completely the whole proBut whether it is going to be short- cess of united front building. Our lived or relatively long, we feel that it convictions about what should be a is a time for us to do at least two united front were fully vindicated things. The first is the task of socialist by what happened afterwards. education and organization of social- Now, however, there are again ists. As said earier, we noticed that efforts to build united fronts around while the communist parties, old and very specific issues. I think we are new, have been around for quite a going to play an important role in while in this country, there has been this whole process because we have very little articulation of the meaning reflected seriously about the preof a socialist vision of society. Much vious experience in united front political activism has come under the building. rubric of nationalism, or of democ- Randy. Of course, in a sense racy, but never of socialism. And we you cannot blame only the party feel that while it may not be possible that was strongest for these failures. for socialists to come to power at this They were and they are really the particular point in time, nevertheless largest! But one major difficulty that nothing should prevent them from always surfaced in trying to build articulating, explaining and elaborating various coalitions and forms of united the meaning of a socialist social pro- fronts was that you had one large gram. So that's the first task: socialist active grouping, with a definite ideoeducation. logical perspective, operating alongside
The second task which we felt, the mass organizations and the people in the course of our experience, has - many of whom really did not have always been an important issue though a very clear ideological perspective. rarely addressed is the need to work So the ideological distinctions that towards the foundation of a united we think are necessary for a united front of progressive forces. You are front to be real, and not the front of aware that the situation in the Philip- a single party, were not expressed. pines has been dominated by the That was one major stumbling bloc. singular presence of the CPP. We Another stumbling bloc, of course, believed that it would have a difficult was the mutual suspicions and all time to come to power by itself and sorts of experiences in the past which to establish a socialist society. I kept groups constantly on their toes. think it is a view shared by them: it This goes back all the way to even is necessary to have a united front. pre-martial law days, between let's
But a united front is premised on say, the SDs and the NDs. Getting the existence of other progressive them together, especially after the forces that are similarly organized. Aquino assassination, was a bit of a So we felt that it was necessary to problem because of the past situastart other groups. Since we come tion. from different socialist traditions, In our case we feel that here too Bisig is in a very good position to we can play an important role in serve as a link among the different helping to build a united front. Those progressive forces in Philippine society. of us who were formerly part of So this is the second objective of either the SDs or the NDs have often Bisig. maintained fairly good relations with our previous organizations. Those
Q. The experience of diverse who have always been independent coalitions and united fronts, especially of these two groupings are often open in 1983-84, played a major role in to various tendencies existing in the the formation of Bisig. Can you go country, and they are unhampered with each other, all these differences started to surface, which led to the breakup of many of these coalitions, like JAJA.
Q. What are going to be the main political events in the coming six months? Randy. I think that certain issues will be occupying the center. The first one definitely in the next six month will be the fate of the negotiations between the Philippine government and the NDF. The second would be the issue of the proper role that the military should play in government. We see before us that there is a determined effort on the part of the military establishment at least the portion of the military led by Mr Enrile, to claim a larger turf for itself than it has so far been allowed under the Aquino government.
The third issue will be the issue of the local elections. Everybody is watching whether Ms Aquino will set up her own electoral party, whether a coalition or a new one. People are also watching the extent to which the forces of the left would participate, the manner in which they would participate in the local elections.
The fourth issue has to do with the work of the constitutional commission, because within the next six months a draft of the new constitution will be submitted for ratification by the people. At this point in time, we don't know exactly what the shape of this constitution is going to be and what position will be taken by the different groups: whether to campaign for a rejection or for an acceptance of the constituion, for a boycott, and so on. As it is, in the process of making up a new constitution, several issues have come up: the issue of economic sovereignty; the proper role if any -that foreign investments can have in the Philippines; the question of the American bases; the question of the policy in regard to the nuclear weapons; the question of land reform.
I am certain that these issues, which already attracted a certain amount of controversy in the past few weeks, will resurface in the next Lew weeks, Will resurlace in the next six months when the time for ratifying the new constitution comes.
I guess those will be the foremost important political questions in the next six months. Of course, there is always the challenge being posed by the abandoned supporters of the Marcos regime who, I am convinced, are totally powerless to seize state power. But in combination with the Enrile wing of the military, they can pose serious problems for the Aquino government.
13 over some of the drew from this.
Dodong.
Ever in the Philippines series of efforts at lessons that you by the acrimonies and the old hurts that existed in the past. We hope that it will be easier in the future to get since the 1950s we have had a together. We'll see about that.
building a united
One of the more specific problems front. But all of them presupposed related to this mutual suspicion is united front behind a single van- that you have mass organizations ard. This has never worked. You operating on the legal level, but have the mass organizations of the somehow related to the underground party forming a semblance of united NDF, or the CPP. This automatically front with a sprinkling of naive liberals creates in the mind of the other some opportunistic politicians who groups the suspicion that there is a wanted to get the backing of the hidden agenda. But the tendency arty. But, it was never, properly has been to sweep under the rug speaking, a united front. the differences rather than try to
We were hoping that Bayan would battle it out and see exactly what be a united front of the kind you would be the concrete basis of unity. have in El Salvador, or even Nicaragua: Invariably, in the process of working
International Viewpoint 8 December 1986