International Viewpoint Archive

The Fourth International’s English-language review, from 1982

Middle East: A New War on the Horizon? — Interview with Michel Warschawsky

International Viewpoint No. 103, 14 July 1986 · p 28 · 884 words

Middle East

A new war on the horizon?

THE FOLLOWING interview with Michel Warschawsky, a leader of the section of the Fourth International in Israel, was given to E.

Van Cutsem and E. Tan in Belgium

Question. There has been a lot of talk recently about Israel preparing for war against Syria. How much substance is there to this?

Answer. From reading the Israeli press, war appears inevitable. Syria is portrayed as the world center of terrorism. Every week some politician declares that a war against Syria would be a preventative war, that it is a question of life and death, and so on.

We are in the midst of psychological and ideological preparations for such a war. The strategic question is vital for the Zionist state. In fact, Israel cannot permit a neighboring country to go beyond a certain level of strength and military preparation.

Q. Does that mean that war with Syria is imminent?

A. If it depended only on the Israeli government, yes. But there are two kinds of problem that arise. First of all, it is not clear that the Israeli army is in a position to win an easy victory. The Syrian army is no longer what it was in 1967 or in 1973. A report by General Wald, still held under wraps, reportedly shows a series of weaknesses in the Israeli army. This is making the general staff hesitate. The second problem is latent opposition by a section of the population. The government knows that a lot of Israelis are not convinced that this war is

The Israeli army in Jerusalem (DR)

in June. being imposed on the country from outside.

Q. That is the continuing effect of the Lebanon war, no doubt?

A. Yes, the Lebanon war created a schism within Israeli society, a breach in "national unity" for the defence of Israel. The Labor Party has, in fact, been very adroit in its statements. It talks about peace initiatives without, however, taking any. I am profoundly convinced that any new war lasting more than a week would bring this split to the surface again. That is why the government is hesitating, while trying to make sure that it has the maximum number of trump cards in its hand.

Q. Where do the Israeli workers stand on this question?

A. There is no hope for the Israeli working class apart from a Palestinian revolution. The Jewish workers face a fundamental choice. They can defend the Zionist state, and pay a higher and higher price in terms of their living standards, "fascistization" of daily life, and loss of human life. Or they can join the revolution on the basis of their class interest. There is no third camp between Zionism and the Arab socialist revolution. Only a consistent democratic struggle challenging the ideology and practice of the Zionist

MIDDLE EAST state can meet the needs of the Jewish workers. This involves, therefore, total support for the Palestinian fighters.

Q. What is the situation today in the occupied territories?

A. There is a marked decline in the capacity for mobilization in the territories occupied by Israel. This is linked mainly to two factors. One is a much cleverer repressive policy on the part of the government. It is being very selective in arresting and deporting resistance cadres so as not to touch off a mass response. In addition, there is a real disarray caused by the crisis of the PLO [Palestine Liberation Organization] and the impasse of Arafat's line.

Under the impact of the Zionist aggression in Lebanon and maneuvers by the reactionary Arab regimes and US imperialism, Arafat decided to reorient his policy. He accepted the framework of the JordanianEgyptian-Saudi initiative and recog nized the United States as the key to solving the Palestinian problem. He is prepared to pay the price of such a policy and has been making one concession after another. He has given King Hussein the right to represent the Palestinian people in all negotiations and has given up the demand for an independent state. The result of the Arafat line has been a general weakening of the PLO and a reinforcement of the proJordanian current in the occupied territories. This line has split the Palestinian movement and weakened the vanguard. Arafat has laid out all his cards. He now has to choose. He could make a 180 degree turn and break with the reactionary Arab regimes. But he is not able to do that because too many material interests link him to those regimes. Or, he can go to new compromises!

Q. What about the Palestinian dissidents?

A. The Palestinian patriotic currents have formed a "National Salvation Front." They reject Arafat's pro-US line. But it is not enough just to return to the slogans of the past. That is not sufficient to overcome the present crisis. The people of the occupied territories have to be seen as the principal force in the struggle. This mass movement has to be built up over the long term, without this being incompatible with military or diplomatic moves. The Lebanon war showed that the support of the Arab regimes for the Palestinian cause is weak or nonexistent. It is necessary to rely above all on mobilizing the Arab masses, especially in Jordan, where the Palestinians are in a majority.

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