NICARAGUA "Nicaragua will not disarm"
MANAGUA - More than 100,000 people marched to this city's
Plaza de la Revolucion on May 1, demonstrating their support for the
Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and repudiating
Reagan's policy of support for the contra mercenaries. Under a blistering midday sun they heard President Daniel Ortega say that merchants were assassinated by contra mercenaries in two ambushes near Chontales in Northern Nicaragua. Attacks against trained personnel and technicians are common.
Despite the widespread repudiation of US aggression, strong divisions exist among Nicaragua's various political parties and trade unions. This introduced a certain sour note into the preparations for the May Day demonstrations, for which the proSandinista unions proposed that all of the working class should join together.
Talks for a unified May Day celebration began in January with the participation of the Sandinista Workers Federation (CST) and several non-sandmista a labor i rederations, non-Sandinista labor federations, including the Council on Trade Union Unification (CUS), the Federation of Trade Union Unity and Action (CAUS), the Nicaraguan Workers Federation (CTN), and the General Workers Federation-Independent (CGT-I).
The CUS is a right-wing confederation known to have close ties to the CIA-financed American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD). The CTN is affiliated with the conservative People's Social Christian
The CAUS is led by Nicaraguan Communist Party (PCN).
groups has approximately 1,000 to 3,000 members.
The CGT-I, affiliated with the Nicaraguan Socialist Party (PSN), is the largest non-Sandinista labor confederation, with 17,000 members. The CST and other Sandinista unions have approximately 202,000 members. An unholy alliance
The non-Sandinista unions withdrew from the talks almost immediately, protesting the presence of other Sandinista trade unions in the committee. The CUS, CAUS, CTN and CGT-I then formed the Committee for the Celebration of May Day -Martyrs of Chicago. The unions led by the PCN and PSN, two pro-Moscow Stalinist parties, thus found themselves allied with the right-wing, pro-capitalist trade unions.
This alliance between the far right and "ultraleft" is not uncommon. In a recent issue of Avance, the official organ of the PCN, party leader Eli Altamirano "saluted" the right-wing parties, the PSN, and the Catholie hierarchy for having a favorable attitude toward a dialogue with the contras, whom he euphemistically called the "Nicaraguans in arms." Altamirano added that "the International Viewpoint 16 June 1986
Nicaragua will not disarm itself counterrevolution. HECTOR TOBAR
Ortega's declarations came amidst a rapidly changing diplomatic climate, in which Nicaragua has become increasingly isolated. The Sandinistas have, in the past few weeks, come under strong pressure to sign the most recent peace treaty proposed by the Contadora nations Colombia, Venezuela, Panama and Mexico.
Under this Contadora proposal, all Central American nations would be required to observe "a moratorium on the acquisition of new weapons." The proposal does not, however, make any demands on the United States, which could continue to fund the counterrevolution even if the Contadora treaty were signed.
Central American nations, which themselves are under strong US pressure, are pushing for the signing of the treaty on June 8. Recently elected President Oscar Arias of Costa Rica called this a "sacred date."
Nicaragua was the only country willing to sign a much different version of the Contadora treaty in September 1984. The Reagan administration dismissed the Sandinista offer at that time as a "propaganda ploy."
In his May Day speech, Ortega said that Nicargua wants peace and is willing to discuss the remaining points of the Contadora peace treaty. But it "cannot sign or execute this act as long as the direct and indirect aggression, or aggression in any form, by the United States against Nicaragua, does not cease.
"The United States spends billions of dollars on weapons that endanger the lives of the men who work the land," Ortega said, "but raises a scandal when Nicaragua resorts to international solidarity so that the 18 or negotiate with the US-backed people can have the arms necessary to defend themselves against Yankee aggression."
Ortega concluded that the FSLN and the government of Nicaragua will "continue to defend the right of the Nicaraguan people to arm themselves."
The mood in the Plaza was one of celebration and defiance. The festivities had begun the night before in Managua's working-class neighborhoods with bonfires and "sociodramas," popular street theater with political themes.
Marchers began to leave for the Plaza in the early morning, arriving in contingents representing trade unions, schools and neighborhood committees. In the Plaza itself people danced and formed human pyramids to raise the red and black flag of the FSLN above the heads of the crowd.
Ortega's speech was interrupted several times as the crowd raised fists in the air and chanted "no pasaran" ("they shall not pass") and "un solo ejereito" (one unified army"). The strongest reaction was to Ortega's reaffirmation of the FSLN's commitment never to negotiate with the US-backed contra mercenaries.
A student and part-time employee of the Ministry of the Interior who attended the celebrations agreed with Ortega. "Reagan has already said he is a contra. So we won't talk to the contras, but to Reagan, the 'jefe" [chief] of the contras."
The contra war continues to wreak havoc on Nicaraguan society. More than 14,000 Nicaraguans have died since 1980 as a result of the war. The war claimed 1,811 victims in the first four months of this year alone.
On May 9, four teachers and three
thesis of national dialogue is the most patriotic thesis that can be defended in our country today." Eventually, though, talks between the "ultraleft" and right-wing trade unions opposed to the Sandinistas also broke down. As a result, at least three demonstrations were held on May Day.
Apart from the official Sandinista demonstration, i the CTN held a Catholic mass, led by Cardinal Miguel Obando. The CAUS and the CGT-I joined in a rally at the Plaza Ana Maria. Both opposition rallies drew approximately 1,500 people. - These same political parties are represented in the National Assembly, which has recently concluded the first step in the elaboration of a new constitution. The Sandinistas see the constitution as a formalization of the revolutionary power conquered by the people in July 1979. The final version of the constitution is scheduled to be voted on later this year.
The drafting of the constitution has been strongly opposed by the US government. In fact, the Reagan administration has stated that direct talks between the United States and Nicaragua can only resume if the National Assembly is dissolved and new elections are held, this time including the contras.
The Independent Liberal Party (PLI), a capitalist party with two deputies in the assembly, has already withdrawn from the constitutional process, and other parties are under heavy pressure from the US Embassy to follow suit.
The capitalist opposition has argued that the social and political conditions for the elaboration of a constitution do not exist in Nicaragua. The leader of the PLI, Vigilio Godoy Reyes, opposed the idea of a
International Viewpoint 16 June 1986 public discussion of the constitution altogether. *There can be no freedom of expression regarding the constitution while a state of emergency is in effect," he said.
"Freedom of expression exists in Nicaragua," replied Jose Luis Villavicencio, the FSLN's parliamentary fraction coordinator in the assembly. "But freedom of information is regulated. La Prensa would like to do to our revolution what El Mercurio did to Allende in Chile -confuse the masses and undermine the government. We cannot permit that." La Prensa has been censored by the government because it continues to publish stories aimed at sabotaging Nicaragua's defence efforts.
But in spite of this opposition, the elaboration of the constitution continues. The main points of a draft prepared by the National Assembly and approved by the FSLN on May 8 will be discussed in 84 public "town meetings" scheduled to begin this month.
The draft of the constitution, according to Villavicencio, is modeled on the Swedish parliamentary system. The future government would be based on an elected president, assembly and municipal councils.
The drafters of the constitution specifically rejected creating a national governing structure based on the mass organizations, unions and Sandinista Defense Committees (CDS), that is, a national council of organs of people's power.
Asked why the drafters chose not to even represent the mass organizations directly in the new form of government, Villavicencio responded that it was "merely a juridical question." He said the unions and mass organizations would be represented indirectly through the elected legislators of the FSLN.
The capitalist parties have nonetheless opposed the draft. They claim it leaves the main structures of Sandinista power intact - despite its recognition of the principles of political pluralism and the mixed economy. Many conservative leaders, for example, have called for fundamental changes in the nature of the Popular Sandinsta Army, which they say functions as the armed branch of the FSLN rather than as a national army.
It seems highly unlikely, however, that the FSLN will permit any fundamental changes in the structure of the armed forces while the country is in a state of war. Moreover, the creation of a mass popular army is currently at the heart of the Sandinista's conception of revolutionary democracy.
In a speech to a congress of Brazilian sociologists last March, FSLN • Commander Tomas Borge pointed out that in Nicaragua "There is no more radical or consistent way to be democratic than the Sandinista slogan: All arms to the people."
Indeed, since the beginning of the US war on Nicaragua, over 300,000 rifles have been given to the workers and peasants. These arms can be seen everywhere carried by members of the Sandinista Army, the Reserve Military Police and the People's Militias. Workers and peasants guarding their factories and farms also carry guns and are allowed to take them home.
"If our government didn't have the support of the people, if it weren't a democratic government, don't you think these guns would be turned against the government?" asked Villavicencio. The question did not require an answer.
More than 80,000 people participated in the May Day rally in Managua (DR)
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NICARAGUA